Tuesday, March 30, 2010

Szondi ego analysis denial repression Part 3 of 3.


(Continued from Part 2.)
With the Trobrianders and in general with the primitives there is a dichotomy, a division into two parts of the women to a group “lawfully forbidden” and to another of “permitted” women. The word luguta designates the branch of the “lawfully forbidden”; the other word tabugu, the branch of the “lawfully permitted” women.

         

The “sister taboo,” the luguta prohibition, is the highest taboo, “suvasova,” in the context of individual relationship. Thus sexual intercourse with the sister, with the sister of the mother, and daughter of the sister of the mother is: Luguta taboo. The taboo “luguta” becomes however always more moderate in degree as the sister group (luguta) is expanded to relationship of a second order. One’s own sister is the prototype of the incest taboo. Malinowski reports: “Blood shame with a cousin on the mother’s side of first degree is probably considered as wrong but not as terrible, yet it is daring and dangerous, but not worthy of abhorrence,”49 With relatives of “second order,” the severity of the prohibition continues to decrease. If a boy and a girl have a common great-grandmother in the maternal line for example, then the taboo is much weaker, although they are “luguta,” thus in the same sister stock. It is similar with the “mother taboo” and with the Ina-gu incest prohibition.

         

The group of the “lawfully permitted women” is called: Tabugu. In the closer family circle the word (beside grandparents and grandchildren respectively granddaughter) means the sister of the father and then the daughter of the sister of the father. Tabugu is a counterpart to “luguta” -- as we already discussed. Malinowski writes: “The sister of the father is the prototype of the lawfully permitted, even sexually recommended woman -- that which it is called in the theory of the natives because in reality she takes the place of his daughter.”50

         

For our genetics the incomprehensible consists thus in the fact that the young man can marry the cousin on the paternal side – they are with sexual intercourse and the marriage the most suitable partners -- however sexual intercourse with the cousin on the maternal side is blood shame (see Fig. 8).






M  = Malasi -Clan

L   = Lukuba-Clan

Lk = Lukwasisiga-Clan

 Lb = Lukulabuta -Clan

(8-9). the desired and permitted marriage





(7-10) . the  not desired  marriage



(10-11). Incest






Fig. 8. Schema of the Permitted and Forbidden Marriages

(Respectively Sexual Intercourse) with the Primitives

in Northwest Melanesia (according to B. Malinowski)

         

In order to understand the nature of this marriage organization, we must use the “genetics” of the primitives and not ours. The genetics of the primitives is based upon the unawareness of the physiological paternity. We stressed already that according to their interpretation the father in no way contributes to the birth of the child. They believe in a mystic generation. They believe in reincarnation. If a man dies, then his spirit travels according to Tuma, the island of the dead, where he continues to live happily. If then a spirit of continuing luck is tired of rejuvenation, then he becomes a small and still unborn child, a “spirit baby.” As such he goes back to the island of Trobriand and crawls into the lap of any woman of the same clan and sub-clans. Thus the Trobriander woman becomes pregnant with a spirit baby. Her man does not have anything at all to do with the reproduction. With this interpretation, naturally the mother right receives a good theoretical basis. Also different Australia researchers, like Spencer and Gillen, report that in the opinion of the Aranda, the act of reproduction only causes the preparation and the opening of the female uterus for the admission of the life embryo (ratapa). This interpretation is all the more amazingly, as these tribes probably know the connection between mating and descendants with animals.51



We will now examine on the basis of this “fatherless” and one-sided genealogy of “hereditary conditions” by the primitives regarding their incest taboos and marriage rules.

         

Fig. 8 presents a family tree, in which we indicate the permitted and forbidden marriages (respectively sexual intercourse) of the primitives. Since the father according to their genealogy does not play a role in reproduction and thus not in the heredity, we must indicate the genotype solely on the basis of the mother and with the letters of their clans.

         

We proceed from the brothers and the sisters stock, which consists of a man (No. 1) and of two women (2 - 3). The mother (No. I) of this brother and sisters stock belongs to the Malasi clan (M). Thus their three children are also members of the Malasi clans (M). We know that, according to the opinion of the natives, the clan membership: 1. is native; 2. is unalterable; 3. is passed on the maternal side to the children; 4. and is passed even onto the other world and from the reincarnated spirit that is brought back again into this world.



The totem clan line inherits itself through the mother (female), that is, sex connected. Its nature works like the “gene” of modern genetics. In this sense we indicated this marks the clan membership of the individual person as a “genotype.” Now we examine genealogy of the forbidden and permitted marriages according to the primitives’ rules and in the light of the primitives’ one-sided and purely matriarchal genealogy. (Table 3).

         

The insights from this explanation are the following:

         

1. From the viewpoint of the primitives’ genealogy, according to which the father does not play a role in the generation and gene relationship is only possible on the mother’s side, the marriage rules have the same meaning as in our culture.



2. All marriage rules aim at excluding closer gene relative lines from ending in marriage. Incest also is only with the primitives, where, according to their genealogy, is present a clan-gene relationship.

         

3. The son of the brother may marry therefore the daughter of the sister, because this son belongs to the clan of his mother and not to that of his father. Although the father (1 M) of the young man (8 L) belongs to the same clan M as the mother belongs to (2 M) of the cousin (9 M), they are not according to the primitives’ genealogy blood relatives, we say not gene relatives, since there the cousin (8 L) inherits the clan line (L) of his mother (4 L) and not from his father (1 M). The marriage is the desired cross cousins marriage.

         

4. There are certain unwanted marriages and sexual intercourse, even if -- according to the genealogy of the primitives -- no blood shame is present, but the partners by the expansion of the concepts of relationships of the sister (luguta) and the father (tama) nevertheless feel as if related. Thus the connection between father and daughter or between cousins on the maternal side.



Table 3. The Permitted and Forbidden Marriages with the Trobrianders According to Malinowski

Partnership

Between
 Degree of Relationship
 Evaluation of the Connection

I -1

1-2

1-3

II-2
 Mother-son (M-M)

Brother-sister (M-M)

Brother-sister (M-M)

Father-daughter (L-M)

These, according to the genealogy of  primitives, are not

related, since the daughter belongs to the clan of

the mother (M). The father belongs to a foreign clan, the Lukuba (L).
 Suvasova: highest taboo incest; Inagu

Suvasova, Luguta

Suvasova, Luguta

No incest. Marriage however is not permitted, also sexual intercourse

is “very bad, because he has already married her mother; already he has received the first marriage gift.” (Malinowski, p. 380). This nevertheless occurs however.

1-4



2-5



3-6


 Man from clan M and

Woman from clan L  (M-L)

(M-LK)



(M-Lb)
 Permitted marriage; the partners are not

related.

Permitted marriage; the partners are not

related.

Permitted marriage; the partners are not

related.

8-9
 The son marries the cousin

on the father’s side, thus the daughter of the sister of the father (L-M)
 Very desired “tabugu” marriage. The

man belongs to the L-clan, thus to

the mother; the cousin belongs to the clan

M, thus to the mother. (A binding with the uncle on the maternal side [1 M] would be however incest, since he also belongs to the same clan.)

7-10
 The son (10 M) will marry the daughter of the uncle on the maternal side (7 L)

(M-L)
 No incest formed. The marriage and the

sexual intercourse with the cousin, the

son of the sister of the father, is not

forbidden directly and does not become however gladly viewed, because the woman (7 L) stands also with the man (10 M) in a tama, father relationship.

10-11
 Relationship between cousin

(10 M) and cousin on the maternal side and indeed

between son and daughter of the two sisters.
 Incest because the sister of the mother is

also mother (inagu) of their daughter

(11 M) and “sister” of the young man

(luguta); they have the same grandmother of the mother’s line. It is thus a

Luguta taboo.




5. The “clan relationship” -- exactly as with us is the “gene relationship” -- with the primitives is weakened as an “incest barrier” to the degree as the distance from the narrow individual family circle to the further classified relationship circle is extended. The “incest prohibition” with the primitives is exactly thus relative to the gene incest love in our culture.

         

6. We assume that with the primitives the same -- conscious or unconscious -- hereditary hygiene for the marriage rules was just as decisive as with us. The difference in the marriage rules is conditioned only by the difference between the matriarchal and one-sided genealogy of the primitives and our bilateral (matriarchal and patriarchal) genealogy. The leading motive is the same with both cultures: the protection against the marriages of those closely gene related -- probably for hygienic hereditary reasons.



*

The denial of genotropism between humans who belong to the same narrow family and, on the other hand, the furtherance of genotropic marriage through the biological attraction of the partners is the most human and continually present ambivalence of human kind.  This original ambivalence in love one can rule only with compulsion -- exactly as in the case with the compulsive neurotic.  Compulsion means however the synonymous affirmation and denial of a familial inherited striving pair.  This circumstance grants an extraordinary power to familial negation in the ego life of the individual and in society.


***












END NOTES



1SZONDI, L.: Experimentelle Triebdiagnostik [Experimental Drive Diagnostics]. Huber, Bern 1947. p. 262. Psychodiagnosti­sche Tabelle IV.



2 F. SOTO YARRITU: El destino humano como problema cientifico. Nuestros Resultados con la prueba de Szondi. Diputación Foral de Navarra. Institución principe de Viana. 1952. p. 251, Tab. 40.



3 PERCY, E.: Das Triebleben der Buschneger in Äquatorialafrika [The Drive Life of the Shrub Negroes in Equatorial Africa]. Erscheint

später als Heft der Abhandlungen zur exp. Triebforschung und

Schicksalspsychologie [Later booklet of the papers appears as Experimental Drive Research and Fate Psychology]. Huber, Bern.



4 FREUD, S.: Die Verneinung. [Denial] Ges. Schr., Bd. XI, P. 4.



5 Ibid, p. 4.



6 Ibid, pp. 5/6.



7 Ibid, p. 7.



8 Vgl. hiezu die geschichtliche Zusammenfassung der Abwehrlehre [Compare this to the historical summary of the defense teachings].



9 Triebpathologie [Drive Pathology], Bd. I, p. 284, 345 f.



10 Näheres siehe im Kapitel [For details see the chapter]:

«Ich-Dialektik ».



11 ROHLEDER, H.: Die Zeugung unter Blutsverwandten [Begetting among Blood Relatives]. Bd. II d. Monographien über die Zeugung beim Menschen [Monograph on the Begetting among Humans]. G. Thieme, Leipzig 1912. p. 155 ff.



12 RANK, 0.: Das Inzestmotiv in Dichtung und Sage [The Incest Motif in Poetry and Saga]. F. Deuticke, Leipzig-Wien 1926.



13 JUNG, C. G.: a) Symbole der Wandlung [Symbols of Transformation]. Rascher, Zürich, 4. Aufl., 1952. b) Die Psychologie der Übertragung [The Psychology of Transference]. Rascher, Zürich 1946.



14 ROHLEDER: Zit. Arbeit [Cited work], p. 54.



15 Ibid., p. 73.



16 Ibid., p. 74.



17 Ibid., p. 77.



18 It is most noteworthy that the word taboo is ambiguously used also by the Melanesians. First of all it has the sense “forbidding.” Secondly the word taboo-gu means grandparents, grandchildren; Sister of the father, daughter of the sister of the father and, in a classification sense, expanded to all legally permitted women. (MALIN0WSKI: For more details see latter.)



19 FREUD, S.: Totem und Tabu. Ges. Sehr., Bd. X, p. 26 f.



20 Ibid., p. 27.



21 FREUD, S.: Totem und Tabu, Ges. Sehr., Bd. X, pp. 41/42.



22 MALINOWSKI, B.: Das Geschlechtsleben der Wilden [The Sexual Life of Savages]. Grethlein & Co., Leipzig. p. 381 ff.



23 Ibid., p. 383 f.



24 Ibid., p. 331.



25 Ibid., p. 3.



26 Ibid., p. 4.



27 "I believe each man could establish himself in the village community of his wife, if he wanted to gladly; but he would go himself through abasement and cheerfully gave up certain rights.  A chief’s son however forms an exception due to his position in the village and his acquired rights.“ MALINOWSKI: p. 72.



28 MALIN0WSKI, B.: Das Geschlechtsleben der Wilden, pp. 71/72.



29 LAYARD, JOHN: a) Stone Men of Malekula. London 1942. b) The Inzest Taboo and the Virgin Archetype. Eranos-Jahrbuch, Bd. XII. Rhein-Verlag, Zurich 1945.



30 JUNG, C. G.: Symbole der Wandlung [Symbols of Transformation]. Rascher, Zürich, 4. Aufl. pp. 719/720.



31 The daughter of the aunt on the mother’s side cannot marry the man because of the incest!



32 MALINOWSKI: Zit. Arbeit [cited work], p. 75.



33 Ibid., p. 74.



34 LAYARD: The Incest-Taboo…, p. 284.



35 SZONDI, L.: Contributions to Fate Analysis. Analysis of Marriages. Acta Psychologica, 1937, Bd. III.



36 RILKE, RAINER MARIA: Die Aufzeichnungen des Malte Laurids Brigge [The Notebooks of Malte Laurids Brigge]. Insel-Verlag, Leipzig. p. 241 f.



37 SZONDI, L.: Triebpathologie, Bd. I, p. 139 f.



38 SZONDI, L.: Schicksalsanalyse, 2. Aufl., p. 148 ff.



39 Ibid., p. 150 ff.



40 Ibid., p. 152.



41 SALZMANN, U.: Schicksalspsychologie und Glaukom (grüner Star). Szondiana II. Huber, Bern und Stuttgart 1955. p. 129 ff.



42 MALINOWSKI, B.: Das Geschlechtsleben der Wilden, pp. 354/355.



43 Ibid., p. 361.



44 Ibid., p. 366.



45 Ibid., p. 367.



46 Ibid., p. 367.

47 The part “gu” means: “mine.” It is mostly attached to the root. Inagu = my mother; tamagu = my father. Often the part becomes inserted: lu - gu - ta = my sister. MALINOWSKI: Zit. Arbeit, p. 371.



48 MALIN0WSKI: Zit. Arbeit, p. 368 ff.

 
L. Szondi ego analysis denial repression Part 3 of 3.
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