The Szondi Test Study Group

The constraints of the Szondi Test permits filtering out of sixteen Ego Patterns.

2012-02-12T16:57:00.000-08:00

For the purpose of study, this table is useful as a reference, Far more useful and interesting is the Ego development (as [k] and [p] choices, generated by tested individuala) as demonstrated within the contraints of the experimental test. {All prospective tests have constraints that need be recognized. A point easy to overlook.} These fndins thenpermit a visualization of the relative intensities of the drives that he test material seeks to measure, however in a schematic form, from which a experimentor may use to create his intrepretation of what he believes the results represents. To due this he must be aware of what similar results where associated with in other individuals and their normal or clinical history. The generalizations that are offered here are for that purpose, but are all so useful as psychological terms in themselves useful for any student of psychology, mental health, social work, education or related human behavior studies.

The Ego (Self) of Leopold Szondi (MD, Hungarian,(later Swiss) World War I physician, university professor, education specialist, genealogist, endocrinologist and psychoanalyst. Inventor, The Szondi Test (At first, called "Genic affinity experimental test.")

The various Ego positions:

THE EGO HAS RECOGNIZABLE POSTIONS OR SETTINGS WHICH CHANGE WITH DEVELOPMENT AND USEAGE.

They unfold from infancy to old age. This in respect to the Ego Vector here. Later you will each of a person's also exert their strivings at the same moment in time. The larger system is to be understood for it's parts, which may be confusing at first, but should be rewarding to explore for students of human nature.

2012-02-07T14:00:00.000-08:00

Some miscellaneous Szondi Concepts Post are at URL http://chirobut29.blogspot.com/
Click Here--> [Contact Vector]

Szondi's Contact/Cyclic/Mood Vector (Where Relationships Drive one Nuts).

2012-02-07T13:54:00.000-08:00

Original images (L. Szondi (c) Grune & Straton/ NY./HansHuber/Bern, Swiss.)
Revised for fair use teaching purposes. Youare advised to obtain the SZONDI TEST set andbooks directly from copywrite owners.

Close up of a common finding in the Contact Vector. A double open. A finding not so common in the other three Vectors, where the subject avoids BOTH the liking or disliking choices (asumed to be unconsciously made action) as he takes the Szondi Test in the proper sequence. (In your editor's limited experience, this "setting" [d=0][m=0] seemed to be the frequent one of young adults entering intorelationships without being ready for separation from their families of orign and same time not really ready to bond sincerely with the new significant person and same time sexual and ego strivings [look to the Sexual Vector. Paroxymal and Ego Vector for other settins representing what then is ] probaly dominating the both thinking and behaviour at that moment in time.

It needs to be remembered that a "setting" reflects the moment repeat samplea is taken preferably daily to have a base of 10 Szondi profils for better basis to interpet how things fit into evolving life events. Sometimes in therapytesting can be used at the beginning of therapy sessions, as to track the sublect inner drive changes as they happen as part of the therapy and not necisarilly intented to be directy diagnostic with the intention is to recognize where a subject's shiftng inclinations may be moving him.This use as an instant porjective test for such tracking s feature is unique, I believe, to the Szondi Test.

I was introduced to this experiment method by myformer professor, who said you just have to see this for yourself. Well seeing it for myself I did, and while now I cop out of any claim of scientific proof. I tell you the same thing.

In the setting [d=0][m=0](Can also writen as "C=00" leaving out the 'understood' {d}{m}). Szondi teaches us that in his like andd dilice choice making of the reagent photos a subject has performed an act that can be explained only on athereretical subconscious basis, necclearly diferent than any chance one. hen in a series of tentestings a subject several times makes this curious choice severaltimes. It is that he avoidsboth liking and disliking {almost } any of thephotos of the manics and the depressives in the context of the 48photos that make up the test ensemble. In theory depending on a subjectmood it should like th photos he identifies with andcounter-identifies with the mood related photo he rejects. Here nothingof that sort happens, by some power of choice makinghe avoids a decided choice. There were enough other'swith same pattern to confirm that as projective test, morethan mood cycles of the subject were being detected.

Thepsychiatric history of those "now coded" as "C=00" subjects (beyond theyouthful occurring ones) were found indeed not to fall intoclearly defined manic or depressive moods, but a curious mind state,best described as one of childish curiosity and avague expectations desired relationships will just happenwithout any effort on their part. Some if a stead projection, seem todrift passively unsure what they wish to do.

Theillustration capsule above each setting duet represents the common(but not only) outcome of a subjects who makes this choice. The duet choice is made between gene derived antagonist drives.andshift with the nnade strengths acting andthe pressies of the ones inner andexternal modifying forces. No human istotally instinct driven. Yet an accommodation toboth demands, is always made, but not following the same adjustments in every individual..

If I understand Szondi correctly # 1 to 16 refeers to order offrequency in general pre-WW2 Hungary population, and it interesting[d0][mo] would be the most frequent.

[I understand that the "capsule" text at the top cannotbe read on some devices--look below for close ups.]

The first of this group of settings as you can see has an ''avoidance"in respect to preferences/choice making-- inclinations/strivingsin respect to aspects,that the SZ reagent photos when properly used can provide as being aperson's unconscious projection of his inclinations/strivings, asa term of speech. These drives was in Szondi'sintuitive when existing in exaggerated forms were the same asrecognizable psychiatric conditions and that certain drivesshould then be viewed as the under pinning of human's thinking, feelingand behaviors, at least when seen in the defined Szondidefined context. Szondi setted on eight as fundimental. Why justthese eight and not some others, has long been a pointof speculation--Szondi's answer was--show me some others thatwould work here--.

[d]= SZ reagent photos of verified depressives.
[m]= SZ reagent photos of verified manics.

Some grounding-- [d]depressives, [m] manics.
[d=0] 'means'to the subject at the time of testing.
Later we attenpt to a investigatory what it means or offeresas a expressions in meaing in psychological terms by which oneinvertagor can communicate thecontent and issues to colllegues, and useful for counseling, education or treatment,
The [d=0] serves to shift interpretation meaning to itsnatural antagonist [m]

CYCLICVECTOR # 1 TO 4

1] [do m0] = Cyclic strivings, not active or recently discharged.

"xxx xxx "
xxxxxxx
hides many other issues--find and fix
these issues.

[d0 m+] =Cyclic strivings, assert to preferences and choices, manic and oral intype.

3] [d0 m-] = Cyclic striving assert to preferences andchoices anal and hypomanic in type

0000000

000000000

"xxx xxx "
xxxxxxx
hides many other issues--find and fix
these issues.

00000000000000

0000000000000

4] [d0m±] = Cyclic striings confliually set manic and depressivechoice types clash cycle readidly seen in the 'unhappy' and/or suicidalinclined subjects

"xxx xxx "
xxxxxxx
hides many other issues--find and fix
these issues.

0000000000000

00//////

//# 5 TO 8

Setting 5 to 8 Characterized by subjects who madea dislike choice of the SZ reagent photos of known depressivetypes. Here show with opistions [mo] [m-] [m±]

00000

5]
6]
7]
8]

2012-01-16T15:06:00.000-08:00

http://chirobut29.blogspot.com/ .

DSM IV treats Bipolar as if a disease. But still recognizing that it is connected to the articulation of manic and depressive mood swings and behaviors. Where Szondi saw the same aspects as part of heredity we all
as humans without exception contains, and the impuses of which drive everyone where it impacts our contact with the world, relationships and the reality one lives in.

Here -------> [CONTACT VECTOR]

The Ego Stages as reflected in the Szondi Test.

2012-01-10T15:32:00.000-08:00

The Ego Stages as reflected in the Szondi Test. "The Ego is your steering device."

The Unfolding of the Ego.

Normally, Ego development takes place according to a detailed six stage schema as proposed by Susan Deri, "Introduction to the Szondi Test" [Grune & Strattion, N.Y. 1949. Her order is followed here, but the characterizations are arbitrarily revised into capsulations, for our study purposes.

1. (k0 p-)

Adualism: The indistinction between the ego and the other (up to one year). [See J. Paiget ] [In the adult it is called the 'paranoid Ego' and an indication of a regressive thought mode.

2. (k+ p-)

Childish Omnipotence: The magical-autistical omnipotence (pre-oedipian period). [See Melanne Kline's, not so benign view of infancy.] [See, J. Lancan," Mirror Phase"]

3. (± -)

Beginning accomidation, turbulence, resistance. (First Oedipian Separations) [See Winnicot ] [See Toilet Training, Early Care Takers.] [The "Restless Ego" of many talented Adults.]

4. (- -)

Acceptance, accomidation (The pressure to conform and the social rewards, the latency period. [The Drill Ego of Adults-Suggesting that many never fully go beyond this mode of Ego development.]

5. (- 0)
If acceptance and accomidation is successful, the start of adolescence the young person may then try to replicate that which was accepted earler ['The Mild Compulsive Ego' when found in profiles, one or two decades later. ]

6. (- +)

Adolescence. Mating impluse asserts on several levels and the desire previously repressed reaches consciousness backed by the newly aquired physical ability to do so. That this will meet with many set backs and frustrations, a well known feature of passing through adolesence. For many it will be the first serious Ego failure and the overwhelmed Ego may move to a kind of grid lock crises [k± p±] or what seems like a tuning off of thinking and feeling [k0 p0], or some will move back to older Ego settings with which they feel more secure however childish it may seem. Many show an appearance of [k+] and as well an awareness of depression [d+] as they restart a new search for fulfillment. In adults it is the 'Fully compulsive Ego'.

Comment.

For us as students of human nature, we ask what is it beyond this theoretical passage of the Ego that will address our desire to understand the larger issues and concerns in respect to ultimate behavior? What can we by this Szondi Test that offers insight in those humans who develop atypical or outright abnormal forms of existance?

The best answer I can offer now is, we can recast almost everything you previously believed to be psychologically caused, in the Szondi coding system, but our new metaphors also leave many who's and why's awaiting answer. The metaphors of the settings, and the strivings and what they represent are crafted from the unconscious choices by tested persons. This is done without extracting a verbal inventory, in fact you need not even speak the language of the tested subject, as long is he follows the choice procedure correctly.

Szondi - Life Magazine Interview.

2010-04-04T10:49:00.000-07:00

Life Magazine photo removed to avoid potential Copywirte issue.

Durring a Life magazine interview in 1948 a pipe smoking Leopold Szondi in his Geneva Clinic, spreads out the 48 small pictures of the eight psychiatric conditions that he believed made up the third pool of th unconscious. These he claimed, are eight basic inheritance lines that every person without exception has. Normal then, being just a balanced mixture of these.

He argued a person will like or dislike these photos as a mirror of that person's personality and mood. Which may change. Therefore a person needs to take the 'test' often. He sometimes took a profile just before each "Fate-Analytic" oriented therapy session.

His method of psychoanalysis used these assertins as a focus. This was supplemented by a genealogy study to reveal what the patient's ancestors; actual did and what symptoms these ancestors may have suffered and importantly; what choices they had made in marriage, love, friendship, and occupation. While the test gained considerable popularity his method of treatment won few supporters.

What can be learned from Ego State "ZERO".

2010-03-30T21:28:00.000-07:00

WELCOME LITTLE GUY!

We sincerly hope your nerve structures are shaping up to accept and start building your Ego, and sarting at Zero, it is a passage every human has to make.

Let us go back to our test subject who yield this Ego setting now-(no longer an infant but perhaps a young adult has in his unconscious choice making [it is unconscious because he being tested without knowing what the reagent photos means and how choices will be interpreted by his test administrator or later by a 'blind to the case history reader', for validation.

[k0 p-] means this subject's choice making at this time avoids the [k] (Genetic line: Catatonic photos) is taken to be as if, an analog of that part of his Ego which is '[k]' in its striving nature. At the same time, he chooses as dislike '[p]' (Genetic line Paranoid). We know from empiric and clinical studies that this dislike of the [p] photo type belongs to those who out-shift their needs and strivings with little rational censorship (and jumping ahead the [p], photos, if liked, represents rational censoring and that would be one, who rationally lives out of their needs and strivings.)

The [p-] component when existing as set with [k0] then its strivings effects are magnified, as it represents an absence of the balance that choices [k+], [k-] or [k±] would have represented,when the [p] has a decided direction.

[k] genic line photos corresponds to the " narcissistic reservoir" of earlier developed introjected love objects and subsequent modifications whose influence lingers as a bridge to the persons in later life. Here in the case of [k0 p-] they are lived out by "immediate" projection. By "immediate" we mean that needs are satisfied so promptly that the subject is not even aware of the process through which he projected the presence of his needs, into the environment. He has no awareness of having given such signals to the necessary object for the need-gratification and the need transfer seems to form automatically. This can range from useful harmless projections or when severely unbalanced, represent major pursuit delusions characteristic of the paranoid mind sick. For your study, you are reminded that all such things are on a continuum and you don't jump to radical opinions, unless all the related facts support such an opinion and you are qualified to make such a judgement.

In discussing the later stages of ego-development, we need to mention the degree to which actual environment and reality reality-testing, shapes the settings of the Ego.

A person cannot use for themselves an Ego setting greater than the most superior one they experienced in their past development process. ( A point often forgotten) In many cases,under stress and pressures, internal and external; the effect of the pressure is usually indicated by an Ego shift to setting characteristic of earlier modes of adjustment.

The Sch setting [k0 p-] under discussion in this view is clearly one of a weak and child like modes of thinking, feeling and acting. Often when physically ill, we see the most superior of persons act like children.

The term adualistic, or lack of dualism between subject and object, has been borrowed from observations of J. Piaget who uses the term to characterize the primitive state of undifferentiating between the child and the rest of the world. This is the stage at which the child "thinks" that the whole world feels as he does. Pain is experienced not as something personal, but as something experienced everywhere: the rest of the world "hurts" too. He does not know the realistic limits of his body; for example, there is no difference between his relationship to his own toe and his relationship to his crib. Although this primitive, real confusion disappears rather early in life. The differentiation being prompted by frustrations-much of this primitive animistic thinking can be observed in very young children. In addition, it can be observed in primitives and in certain psychotics.

Yet, some adults in processes of artistic creativity may hold regularly to this setting and even some in scientific thinking. Some appear to able to turn it on when they need it. Some as is well known, seek aspects and qualities that once belonged to their own childhood Ego settings, by using drugs and alcohol, which may short term be useful to them, but long term works against them.

There are occasions on which one just "feels" something is true. These "mystical" feelings are typically functions of the [k0 p-] constellation, and are brought about by means of unconscious projection. Some can rationalize ‘logical’ explanations for these [p-] intuitive insights or any misperceptions with ease.

Individuals with [k0 p-], when they show no symptoms of pathology-are extremely sensitive in their reactions and to environmental conditions. Here we see it as representing by the k0] as a weak ego or regressive setting. Although many may react sensitively to subtle outward signals of the unconscious of other individuals, and strike up relations with others easily, nevertheless, because of their lack of conscious insight and ability to activate the [k] powers they often appear unable to follow consistently their keen intuitions.

Before you jump to the conclusion that it is always pathological or always healthy, you need to be aware that for some this influence of the unconscious instinctive prompting can result in certain positive forms of sublimated activity, socialization and occupational usage, or its negative forms self-destructive perverse and criminal.

Generally, when this ego-setting is consistently found, it is in subjects whose work does not involve any form of artistic or intel-lectual sublimation, but whose occupation is strictly on the level of simple task physical activities, which in turn they blame on others, the system, ect.

However noting that there can be exceptions, its appearance in the profiles of the maladjusted, the criminal or the regressing adult should warn one that further investigation into all the facts is needed.

This Ego settings and the next one, [k+ p-] are seldom found in adjusted adolescents or young adults, as they are still capable of using their best Ego setting for their life situations.

Szondi Ego Analysis Denial Repression, Section 1.4 of Page 1.

2010-03-30T17:04:00.000-07:00

#



With the Trobrianders and in general with the primitives there is a dichotomy, a division into two parts of the women to a group "lawfully forbidden" and to another of "permitted" women. The word luguta designates the branch of the "lawfully forbidden"; the other word tabugu, the branch of the "lawfully permitted" women.



The "sister taboo," the luguta prohibition, is the highest taboo, "suvasova," in the context of individual relationship. Thus sexual intercourse with the sister, with the sister of the mother, and daughter of the sister of the mother is: Luguta taboo. The taboo "luguta" becomes however always more moderate in degree as the sister group (luguta) is expanded to relationship of a second order. One's own sister is the prototype of the incest taboo. Malinowski reports: "Blood shame with a cousin on the mother's side of first degree is probably considered as wrong but not as terrible, yet it is daring and dangerous, but not worthy of abhorrence,"49 With relatives of "second order," the severity of the prohibition continues to decrease. If a boy and a girl have a common great-grandmother in the maternal line for example, then the taboo is much weaker, although they are "luguta," thus in the same sister stock. It is similar with the "mother taboo" and with the Ina-gu incest prohibition.



The group of the "lawfully permitted women" is called: Tabugu. In the closer family circle the word (beside grandparents and grandchildren respectively granddaughter) means the sister of the father and then the daughter of the sister of the father. Tabugu is a counterpart to "luguta" -- as we already discussed. Malinowski writes: "The sister of the father is the prototype of the lawfully permitted, even sexually recommended woman -- that which it is called in the theory of the natives because in reality she takes the place of his daughter."50



For our genetics the incomprehensible consists thus in the fact that the young man can marry the cousin on the paternal side - they are with sexual intercourse and the marriage the most suitable partners -- however sexual intercourse with the cousin on the maternal side is blood shame (see Fig. 8).

M = Malasi -Clan

L = Lukuba-Clan

Lk = Lukwasisiga-Clan

Lb = Lukulabuta -Clan

(8-9). the desired and permitted marriage

(7-10) . the not desired marriage

(10-11). Incest

Fig. 8. Schema of the Permitted and Forbidden Marriages

(Respectively Sexual Intercourse) with the Primitives

in Northwest Melanesia (according to B. Malinowski)



In order to understand the nature of this marriage organization, we must use the "genetics" of the primitives and not ours. The genetics of the primitives is based upon the unawareness of the physiological paternity. We stressed already that according to their interpretation the father in no way contributes to the birth of the child. They believe in a mystic generation. They believe in reincarnation. If a man dies, then his spirit travels according to Tuma, the island of the dead, where he continues to live happily. If then a spirit of continuing luck is tired of rejuvenation, then he becomes a small and still unborn child, a "spirit baby." As such he goes back to the island of Trobriand and crawls into the lap of any woman of the same clan and sub-clans. Thus the Trobriander woman becomes pregnant with a spirit baby. Her man does not have anything at all to do with the reproduction. With this interpretation, naturally the mother right receives a good theoretical basis. Also different Australia researchers, like Spencer and Gillen, report that in the opinion of the Aranda, the act of reproduction only causes the preparation and the opening of the female uterus for the admission of the life embryo (ratapa). This interpretation is all the more amazingly, as these tribes probably know the connection between mating and descendants with animals.51

We will now examine on the basis of this "fatherless" and one-sided genealogy of "hereditary conditions" by the primitives regarding their incest taboos and marriage rules.



Fig. 8 presents a family tree, in which we indicate the permitted and forbidden marriages (respectively sexual intercourse) of the primitives. Since the father according to their genealogy does not play a role in reproduction and thus not in the heredity, we must indicate the genotype solely on the basis of the mother and with the letters of their clans.



We proceed from the brothers and the sisters stock, which consists of a man (No. 1) and of two women (2 - 3). The mother (No. I) of this brother and sisters stock belongs to the Malasi clan (M). Thus their three children are also members of the Malasi clans (M). We know that, according to the opinion of the natives, the clan membership: 1. is native; 2. is unalterable; 3. is passed on the maternal side to the children; 4. and is passed even onto the other world and from the reincarnated spirit that is brought back again into this world.

The totem clan line inherits itself through the mother (female), that is, sex connected. Its nature works like the "gene" of modern genetics. In this sense we indicated this marks the clan membership of the individual person as a "genotype." Now we examine genealogy of the forbidden and permitted marriages according to the primitives' rules and in the light of the primitives' one-sided and purely matriarchal genealogy. (Table 3).



The insights from this explanation are the following:



1. From the viewpoint of the primitives' genealogy, according to which the father does not play a role in the generation and gene relationship is only possible on the mother's side, the marriage rules have the same meaning as in our culture.

2. All marriage rules aim at excluding closer gene relative lines from ending in marriage. Incest also is only with the primitives, where, according to their genealogy, is present a clan-gene relationship.



3. The son of the brother may marry therefore the daughter of the sister, because this son belongs to the clan of his mother and not to that of his father. Although the father (1 M) of the young man (8 L) belongs to the same clan M as the mother belongs to (2 M) of the cousin (9 M), they are not according to the primitives' genealogy blood relatives, we say not gene relatives, since there the cousin (8 L) inherits the clan line (L) of his mother (4 L) and not from his father (1 M). The marriage is the desired cross cousins marriage.



4. There are certain unwanted marriages and sexual intercourse, even if -- according to the genealogy of the primitives -- no blood shame is present, but the partners by the expansion of the concepts of relationships of the sister (luguta) and the father (tama) nevertheless feel as if related. Thus the connection between father and daughter or between cousins on the maternal side.

Table 3. The Permitted and Forbidden Marriages with the Trobrianders According to Malinowski

Partnership

Between
Degree of Relationship
Evaluation of the Connection

I -1

1-2

1-3

II-2
Mother-son (M-M)

Brother-sister (M-M)

Brother-sister (M-M)

Father-daughter (L-M)

These, according to the genealogy of primitives, are not

related, since the daughter belongs to the clan of

the mother (M). The father belongs to a foreign clan, the Lukuba (L).
Suvasova: highest taboo incest; Inagu

Suvasova, Luguta

Suvasova, Luguta

No incest. Marriage however is not permitted, also sexual intercourse

is "very bad, because he has already married her mother; already he has received the first marriage gift." (Malinowski, p. 380). This nevertheless occurs however.

1-4

2-5

3-6

Man from clan M and

Woman from clan L (M-L)

(M-LK)

(M-Lb)
Permitted marriage; the partners are not

related.

Permitted marriage; the partners are not

related.

Permitted marriage; the partners are not

related.

8-9
The son marries the cousin

on the father's side, thus the daughter of the sister of the father (L-M)
Very desired "tabugu" marriage. The

man belongs to the L-clan, thus to

the mother; the cousin belongs to the clan

M, thus to the mother. (A binding with the uncle on the maternal side [1 M] would be however incest, since he also belongs to the same clan.)

7-10
The son (10 M) will marry the daughter of the uncle on the maternal side (7 L)

(M-L)
No incest formed. The marriage and the

sexual intercourse with the cousin, the

son of the sister of the father, is not

forbidden directly and does not become however gladly viewed, because the woman (7 L) stands also with the man (10 M) in a tama, father relationship.

10-11
Relationship between cousin

(10 M) and cousin on the maternal side and indeed

between son and daughter of the two sisters.
Incest because the sister of the mother is

also mother (inagu) of their daughter

(11 M) and "sister" of the young man

(luguta); they have the same grandmother of the mother's line. It is thus a

Luguta taboo.

5. The "clan relationship" -- exactly as with us is the "gene relationship" -- with the primitives is weakened as an "incest barrier" to the degree as the distance from the narrow individual family circle to the further classified relationship circle is extended. The "incest prohibition" with the primitives is exactly thus relative to the gene incest love in our culture.



6. We assume that with the primitives the same -- conscious or unconscious -- hereditary hygiene for the marriage rules was just as decisive as with us. The difference in the marriage rules is conditioned only by the difference between the matriarchal and one-sided genealogy of the primitives and our bilateral (matriarchal and patriarchal) genealogy. The leading motive is the same with both cultures: the protection against the marriages of those closely gene related -- probably for hygienic hereditary reasons.

*

The denial of genotropism between humans who belong to the same narrow family and, on the other hand, the furtherance of genotropic marriage through the biological attraction of the partners is the most human and continually present ambivalence of human kind. This original ambivalence in love one can rule only with compulsion -- exactly as in the case with the compulsive neurotic. Compulsion means however the synonymous affirmation and denial of a familial inherited striving pair. This circumstance grants an extraordinary power to familial negation in the ego life of the individual and in society.

END NOTES

1SZONDI, L.: Experimentelle Triebdiagnostik [Experimental Drive Diagnostics]. Huber, Bern 1947. p. 262. Psychodiagnostische Tabelle IV.

2 F. SOTO YARRITU: El destino humano como problema cientifico. Nuestros Resultados con la prueba de Szondi. Diputación Foral de Navarra. Institución principe de Viana. 1952. p. 251, Tab. 40.

3 PERCY, E.: Das Triebleben der Buschneger in Äquatorialafrika [The Drive Life of the Shrub Negroes in Equatorial Africa]. Erscheint

später als Heft der Abhandlungen zur exp. Triebforschung und

Schicksalspsychologie [Later booklet of the papers appears as Experimental Drive Research and Fate Psychology]. Huber, Bern.

4 FREUD, S.: Die Verneinung. [Denial] Ges. Schr., Bd. XI, P. 4.

5 Ibid, p. 4.

6 Ibid, pp. 5/6.

7 Ibid, p. 7.

8 Vgl. hiezu die geschichtliche Zusammenfassung der Abwehrlehre [Compare this to the historical summary of the defense teachings].

9 Triebpathologie [Drive Pathology], Bd. I, p. 284, 345 f.

10 Näheres siehe im Kapitel [For details see the chapter]:

«Ich-Dialektik ».

11 ROHLEDER, H.: Die Zeugung unter Blutsverwandten [Begetting among Blood Relatives]. Bd. II d. Monographien über die Zeugung beim Menschen [Monograph on the Begetting among Humans]. G. Thieme, Leipzig 1912. p. 155 ff.

12 RANK, 0.: Das Inzestmotiv in Dichtung und Sage [The Incest Motif in Poetry and Saga]. F. Deuticke, Leipzig-Wien 1926.

13 JUNG, C. G.: a) Symbole der Wandlung [Symbols of Transformation]. Rascher, Zürich, 4. Aufl., 1952. b) Die Psychologie der Übertragung [The Psychology of Transference]. Rascher, Zürich 1946.

14 ROHLEDER: Zit. Arbeit [Cited work], p. 54.

15 Ibid., p. 73.

16 Ibid., p. 74.

17 Ibid., p. 77.

18 It is most noteworthy that the word taboo is ambiguously used also by the Melanesians. First of all it has the sense "forbidding." Secondly the word taboo-gu means grandparents, grandchildren; Sister of the father, daughter of the sister of the father and, in a classification sense, expanded to all legally permitted women. (MALIN0WSKI: For more details see latter.)

19 FREUD, S.: Totem und Tabu. Ges. Sehr., Bd. X, p. 26 f.

20 Ibid., p. 27.

21 FREUD, S.: Totem und Tabu, Ges. Sehr., Bd. X, pp. 41/42.

22 MALINOWSKI, B.: Das Geschlechtsleben der Wilden [The Sexual Life of Savages]. Grethlein & Co., Leipzig. p. 381 ff.

23 Ibid., p. 383 f.

24 Ibid., p. 331.

25 Ibid., p. 3.

26 Ibid., p. 4.

27 "I believe each man could establish himself in the village community of his wife, if he wanted to gladly; but he would go himself through abasement and cheerfully gave up certain rights. A chief's son however forms an exception due to his position in the village and his acquired rights." MALINOWSKI: p. 72.

28 MALIN0WSKI, B.: Das Geschlechtsleben der Wilden, pp. 71/72.

29 LAYARD, JOHN: a) Stone Men of Malekula. London 1942. b) The Inzest Taboo and the Virgin Archetype. Eranos-Jahrbuch, Bd. XII. Rhein-Verlag, Zurich 1945.

30 JUNG, C. G.: Symbole der Wandlung [Symbols of Transformation]. Rascher, Zürich, 4. Aufl. pp. 719/720.

31 The daughter of the aunt on the mother's side cannot marry the man because of the incest!

32 MALINOWSKI: Zit. Arbeit [cited work], p. 75.

33 Ibid., p. 74.

34 LAYARD: The Incest-Taboo…, p. 284.

35 SZONDI, L.: Contributions to Fate Analysis. Analysis of Marriages. Acta Psychologica, 1937, Bd. III.

36 RILKE, RAINER MARIA: Die Aufzeichnungen des Malte Laurids Brigge [The Notebooks of Malte Laurids Brigge]. Insel-Verlag, Leipzig. p. 241 f.

37 SZONDI, L.: Triebpathologie, Bd. I, p. 139 f.

38 SZONDI, L.: Schicksalsanalyse, 2. Aufl., p. 148 ff.

39 Ibid., p. 150 ff.

40 Ibid., p. 152.

41 SALZMANN, U.: Schicksalspsychologie und Glaukom (grüner Star). Szondiana II. Huber, Bern und Stuttgart 1955. p. 129 ff.

42 MALINOWSKI, B.: Das Geschlechtsleben der Wilden, pp. 354/355.

43 Ibid., p. 361.

44 Ibid., p. 366.

45 Ibid., p. 367.

46 Ibid., p. 367.

47 The part "gu" means: "mine." It is mostly attached to the root. Inagu = my mother; tamagu = my father. Often the part becomes inserted: lu - gu - ta = my sister. MALINOWSKI: Zit. Arbeit, p. 371.

48 MALIN0WSKI: Zit. Arbeit, p. 368 ff.

49 Ibid., p. 377.

50 Ibid., p. 382.

51 WINTHUIS: Das Zweigeschlechterwesen [The Two Sexual Being]. Hirschfeld, Leipzig 1928. pp. 204/205.

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Szondi Ego Analysis, Denial Repression Section 1.3 of Page 2.

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There are however those who succeed in denying ancestor demands made conscious, in renouncing them, and in building up anew their own fate consciously and willfully.

Certainly this newly chosen fate most often brings less pleasure than there was with the old compulsive fate. We think only about the familial addicts. However, each freely chosen fate bestows upon its bearer the exalted feeling of the freedom of a self-guided fate and consequently the feeling of becoming a self. The free denial of a definite compulsion for the repetition of a non-personal life secures for the person self-respect and self-development, which up until then they have completely missed, under which they have suffered and which opens to them the path to becoming a person.

In the last and fifth book of fate analysis Schicksalstherapie [Fate Therapy], we intend in a succession of cases to follow the long way a person in a fate analysis has to go to have success in a new manner of choices in love, friendship and often also in occupation by his self-chosen and personal choice of fate. Here we must be content with two references to the cases that are given in that book.

In Case 11 we presented a psychiatrist, in whose family several members were paranoid schizophrenics. This was the situation with the brother, the mother, and her first husband; furthermore with his first beloved, a cousin, whose brother and two distant cousins and an cousin, who was the wife of a paranoid homosexual musician.



We mentioned that this psychiatrist was surely a conductor of schizophrenia, since when older he succumbed to paranoid dementia exactly as did his mother.



In the meantime however this man had fought a conscious and heroic fight against his familial predisposition to paranoid delusional ideas. Through decades he succeeded in denying his paranoid ancestors and in transforming these minefield demands by his ancestors into scientific and therapeutic interests. For a while he succeeded in this by means of a familial conditioned "vocational introjection," thus by work tropism [Operotropismus] to escape from his compulsive fate. There were however hours, often days and weeks, in which he was incapable of the vocational introjection of his ancestors. He appeared suddenly -- often even without warning - full of anxiety at my consulting hour and looked for me to assist him in his denial of his oppressing paranoid ancestors. I never experienced more clearly the process and the possibility of a familial negation as precisely as I did with this talented colleague. As his strength left him and as he became powerless in opposing his compulsive fate, I decided to begin a proper fate analytic [schicksalsanalytische] therapy. At that time he was already in his seventies. He regained also temporarily his strength for denying his familial illness. Several years afterwards he could still work further -- despite his advanced age -- until then a death in his closest family delivered him to the compulsive fate of paranoid psychosis, without him being able to resist. One had to intern him.



This case is a paradigm for the not infrequent fact that a carrier of a hereditary disease can extract himself from the compulsion of his ancestors by the ego and by negation of the family fate, because he had experienced the horrible compulsive fate of his ancestors in the life of his own brother and in that of his own sister. In this case his personal experiencing of the schizophrenia of his brother caused not only the fear of this illness but also the conscious ego's taking a position of denying and a deliberate counter identification in this sense: He does not want to repeat the fate of his brother.



Case 12. The fate of the 55 year old business man came about -- exactly as with the psychiatrist -- by familial negation and by counter identification with the fate of his brother. In this case however in his fate analysis the familial negation was then already completely repressed. Only in the analysis was the earlier conscious process of the counter identification with the fate of the brother again made conscious.



The man came to me with the question: Why does he -- like an agitated Don Juan - have to chase after all women? He is indeed -- he told me -- happily married, has children, whom he loves, and forces himself nevertheless somewhat to lead a polygamous-like life. He feels it internally constantly very strongly that he is basically no Don Juan.



xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx

The man supplied seven times in 10 foreground profiles the classical ego picture of repression: Sch = - 0, and three times the so-called masculine compulsive ego: Sch = ± 0. The fate analytic question was thus:



1. What must this man so continuously repress? This question refers to the pure repression profile: Sch = - 0.



2. Which is the opposite pair that denies (k-) a striving and which however affirms (k+) and in the character -- as a piece of his drive fate (in form of a compulsive act) -- was imprinted? This second question will be solved by the ego function of the masculine-shaped compulsive ego picture: Sch = ± 0.



Here it is sufficient that we communicate only the final result of the analysis:



1. The man in the foreground is an "apparent" and a "pseudo Don Juan."



2. He must prove himself day after day "blatantly" that he is a man. Why? Because he is in the background a woman, whom he however constantly tries to repress and to deny.



He solves the problem of a pair of opposites "Should he be a man or a woman?" in two ways: First of all in such a way that he vacates the whole pair of opposites of the sex affiliation from consciousness, that is he represses (Sch - 0). Or however he isolates the biologically interconnected striving "maleness-femaleness" compulsively from each other in the way that in the foreground he denies (k-) only the femaleness - which his background actually affirms (Th. K.P.: Sch + ±); the maleness, however, is affirmed (k+) in an exaggerated manner. Thus in the foreground he becomes a Don Juan since in the background he would like to be constantly a woman. (Th. K.P.: Sch + ± = acceptance (k+) of the femaleness (p±).



As we had confronted this intelligent business man with this nature of his drive and ego fate, he remembered suddenly an unfortunate phase of his youth, in which the following had happened: He had a brother, who was a passive homosexual and -- nearly shamelessly -- like an older woman, lived as with a husband in a common household with mostly bearded men. The life of this brother was up to his early death a drama that repeated itself in suffering of abandonment. The testee became conscious in these youthful years that the life of a homosexual man was a "suffering road to Damascus." There he decided now consciously, he would not suffer under the power of this love for the same sex. Thus he began intercourse with women -- thus relatively late at 24 years -- which he compulsively had always to repeat with other women. Thus he became a Don Juan -- from a defense and fear that he must repeat the cruel fate of his homosexual brother. In the meantime he succeeded to repress and thus to forget through many years the actual origin of his polygamy-like promiscuity completely. Only the confrontation in his fate analysis woke him up about his experience in youth about the fate of his brother.



In this case we can on the basis of ego analysis and fate analysis reconstruct briefly the processes, which led to the familial negation, as follows.

At the end of puberty our testee was in the physiological phase of juvenile homosexuality.



He did not dare however to give way to these juvenile strivings since he had seen the tragic fate of his older brother.



There appeared early a counter identification, that is, a conscious denial of the homosexual fate. Only in a dream could he be a woman who copulates in bed with a man.



This dream returns from his youth again and again and is a proof for the correctness of the experimental ego analysis, which makes apparent in the background of the affirmation of the femaleness (Th. K.P.: Sch = + ±). Dream contents are determined mostly from the demands of the backgrounds.37



The testee had then later (after 24 years of life) separated the femaleness from the maleness and completely isolated one from the other. The fate of the femaleness was the denial (k-) and the fate of the maleness however was the incorporation and stamping the character (k+) of a Don Juan into the ego. Thus developed a male ego with the compulsive state of a Don Juan . His compulsive behavior is precisely that he must chase after all women. Something that he was not able to stop. As this Don Juan compulsion then became too disgusting, he had to repress completely the pair of opposites "man - woman"; then there arose an uncomfortable emptiness in his life, which forced him to seek a fate psychologist for advice. Only in his fate analysis were his history and the origin of his familial negation experienced again, and he began to sublimate his strong polygamous instincts in favor of a monogamous attitude. He said to me after the analysis: "For this reason I also up to now through the attitude of my wife have not let myself slide into unfaithfulness and avoided possible opportunities and did not use the given possibilities. This however was not from loyalty to the wife but from loyalty to myself, to which, I regarded as my internal task. This manner of living led me, as is understandable, to a strong internal state of tension, which lasted as long as the sublimation of the sexual forces only partly and respectably occasionally succeeded." This was the situation after one year of the fate analysis. How severe however this renouncement of the polygamous attitude is for our testee was clearly indicated by the following symptom, for which he sought me out at last: Since he completely extracted himself from the polygamous attitude, he has had an outbreak on his palms.



We must naturally interpret this outbreak, which appeared on the groping palms that were precisely the tools of the tenderness relationship, as a hysteria conversion defense from the temptation to touch a woman tenderly. He needs therefore still a defense mechanism, but no more against the homosexuality but against the polygamous attitude. The man defended for the time being thus against the homosexuality by the polygamous attitude and then against the polygamous attitude by the outbreak on the palms. We hope that he will be able also to do without this kind of defense in the course of time. Otherwise, then we must be reasonable and both be content with a significant but harmless symptom, which he bears easily, in place of the dangerous symptom of being a Don Juan. An analyst must constantly be modest precisely because a psychoanalysis is never a "godly" perfection but constantly only an all-too-human incompleteness and inadequacy.

*

One can make to us the following objection: Why do we speak here of a familial denial and not of a personal nature? Both testees have indeed experienced personally a sick brother. The answer reveals itself from the analysis of the compulsive fate in the partner choices. With the psychiatrist, the family is full of paranoids. Our Don Juan married his cousin, who is however bisexual. Their same sexual love objects are older and eventually sick women.

Fate psychologically this marriage with this masculine-inverted cousin is a substitute for the love of the passive homosexual sick brother. The familial nature of the inversion is however not only confirmed in that the brother and cousin of the testees are inverted but also through the fact that the daughter, who sprung out of this "cousin cousin marriage," is also inverted. It is correct consequently in both cases to speak of a denial of the familial predisposition. The demand, which both testees denied, was precisely a hereditary predisposition of the family.

Familial negation has an inner relationship to the question of hereditary prognosis and consequently to the question of marriage classes.

(b) Genotropism Respectively Classified Marriage Classes and Familial Negation

In the preceding two cases it is striking that both men fell in love with a cousin. The psychiatrist, whose mother and brother were paranoid schizophrenics, fell in love with a cousin of second degree on the mother's side, whom he could not however marry because in the meantime she became a paranoid schizophrenic and committed suicide. The Don Juan had more luck: He married a cousin on the mother's side, who however was actually as inverted as his own brother. In both cases we must assume that the testee was himself a bearer, thus conductor, of the same hereditary predisposition his chosen cousin had. Fate analysis states: The partners in the marriage choice were gene related. The love originated through the process of genotropism.

The original love however applies in both cases, as this was confirmed clearly from the analysis of first the mother, next the brother and only then the cousin. The mother incest love and brother incest love became transferred thus to a gene related woman and to the cousin.

In the first book of fate analysis [Schicksalsanalyse], we have treated in detail the relationship between incest and genotropism (in Chapter VI).38 We show that in families in which there is a recessive hereditary illness, not only the frequency of marriages between blood relations, in first place being the "cousin-cousin marriage," but also that of rape cases that are committed on blood relations as also being that of an incestuous love binding. We have verified these statements with a succession of corresponding examples. Particularly interesting is Case No. 22 in which a fraternal twin pair produced children and lived together.39 Then Case No. 23, in which a young man fell in love with a girl who was his own not-recognized half sister.40 In this case the experience of living together with the beloved partner in childhood is absent completely.

Incest love can occur thus without any dependence on any early experience but purely on the basis of gene relationship and of genotropism.

We developed in the first book Schicksalsanalyse the following hereditary rule: The daughter takes mostly after the grandmother on the father's side or a sister of the father. The son on the other hand quite often takes after the grandfather on the mother's side or a brother of the mother. The father is thus the primary bearer, the conductor, of the dynamic gene stock of his mother's line and indeed the transmission succeeds most strongly with the daughter. The mother transmits her father's line most strongly to the son. She is the conductor of the dynamic father's hereditary treasures. Consequently the hidden dynamic genetic strivings of the father goes most frequently to the daughter; that of the mother over to the son. The following diagram will represent this "transmission" schematically.

[Mann = man; Frau = woman; Tochter = daughter; Schwiegersohn = son-in-law; Schwiegertochter = daughter-in-law; Sohn = son]

Fig. 7. Diagram of the Gene Relationship Between Father and Daughter and Between Mother and Son

Explanation of the diagram:

I. The man (No. 1) bears his mother (2) in his gene stock of the familial unconscious. On the basis of this ancestry form of the mother, to whom he was bound incestuously, he seeks himself his woman (3) who is gene related to his mother (2).

II. The woman (3) is the transmitter, the conductor, of her father's hereditary stock (4). On the basis of the father's form in her familial unconscious she chooses the man (1), who is gene related to her father (4) and thus is gene related with her (3).

III. The daughter (5) bares her own father in herself, who has begat actually in the daughter his own mother (2), whom he bears within himself. Daughter and father are consequently -- through the mother of the father -- genotropically related. Therefore the incest love between father and daughter.

IV. The son (6) bears his own mother (3) in himself, who in the son has brought into the world her own father (4), whom she bears in herself. Son and mother are therefore -- through the father of the mother -- gene related. Therefore the incest love between mother and son.

V. The daughter later abandons the incestuous father binding and chooses herself a "strange" man, 7 (1), who however is chosen on the basis of the father image (1) - thus again on the basis of gene relationship. This strange man (7) must bear in himself his mother, who is again gene related with the mother of the father-in-law (2 in 1) and with the choosing woman (5).

VI. The son (6) marries after the separation from the mother (3), to whom he was bound incestuously, a "strange" woman, No. 8 (3), whom he has, however, chosen on the basis of his mother's image, and indeed as a substitute for the not permitted incest love for the mother. His chosen woman (8) is gene related with the man (3 in 6) , whom she has chosen on the basis of her father, whom she bears in herself. This father however must be gene related with her man (6) and with her grandfather on the mother's side (4), who is gene related to her man. With the children out of this marriage (5-7 and 6-8), the same process is repeated as in the marriage (1-3).

This is the rule in partner choice.

Where it acts in reverse and the strongest binding and mutual support occur in the marriage choice on the basis of the relationship between father and son and respectively mother and daughter, then a narrow gene relationship manifests itself between the parents and the children in a quite specific hereditary characteristics, thus, most frequently, on paranoid and homosexual traits. On the basis of this very extensive investigation we come to the following conclusions:

I. Each love bears in the Freudian sense the character of "incest love."

II. Incest love is constantly a genotropic original intra-familial attraction. It is only a particular case of genotropism taking place between father and daughter and mother and son. Bio-psychologically each love however is a "love for the same gene and thus gene love," a projective participation, a being one, the same, and related through the same gene and through the "gene relationship."

III. We distinguish a narrow and endogamy familial form and a wider and extra-familial exogamy form of genotropism. The endogamy and intra-familial genotropism corresponds to incest love and is strictly forbidden by the incest barrier (love between mother and son, between father and daughter, and between brother and sister). The extra-familial form of genotropism on the other hand corresponds to the most frequent form of the so-called exogamy marriage classes. It plays in our culture the same role as the tolerated "classified" relationship marriages with primitives.

IV. Marriage classes in our culture rest consequently on the rules of exogamy extra-familial genotropism. Marriage classes are seen from the biological point of view: Classes of distant gene relationships. The exogamy marriage classes of the gene related replace in our culture the endogamy incest of old cultures (with the Egyptians, Persians, Peruvians). Incest marriages are indeed also marriages between gene related and only in the realm of one's own family.

V. We divide the exogamy and genotropic marriage classes into three groups. This group division rests on the strength of the sameness and respectively the kinship of that gene, which is responsible for the libido-tropic attraction.

A. The homogeneous marriage classes are those in which the partner conductors are of the same gene and respectively the same gene group. On the basis of the drive system we distinguish eight different factorial homogeneous marriage classes:

1. h marriage class: Both partners are conductors of the predisposition to hermaphroditism and respectively to homosexual inversion.

2. s marriage class: Both partners are conductors of the sadomasochistic perversion predisposition.

3. e marriage class: Both partners are conductors of the epileptic form predisposition (epilepsy, migraine, stuttering, asthma, glaucoma41, allergies, vessel-cramp [vaso-neurosis]; further epileptic form psychisms such as pyromania, kleptomania, dipsomania, running mania [Poriomania], killing mania [Thanatomanie], enuresis, left-handedness).

4. hy marriage class: Both partners are hysteria conductors.

5. k marriage class: Both partners are conductors of the catatonic forms of predisposition.

6. p marriage class: Both partners are conductors of the paranoia predisposition.

7. d marriage class: Both partners are conductors of the predisposition to depression and melancholia.

8. m marriage class: Both partners are conductors of the predisposition to mania and to lack of inhibitions.

B. Intra-vector genotropic marriage class.

1. h-s marriage class: One partner is h conductor; the other partner is s conductor.

2. e-hy marriage class: The one is e conductor; the other hy conductor.

3. k-p marriage class: One is a k conductor; the other p conductor.

4. d-m marriage class: One is a d conductor and the other m conductor.

C. Extra-factorial genotropism marriage class:

We can state that between the following extra-vector conductors a genotropic attraction is quite often present:

1. h-m marriage class: the one partner is an h conductor; the other an m conductor.

2. s-d marriage class: The one is s conductor and the other d conductor.

3. e-p marriage class: The one is e conductor and the other p conductor. This form of concluding a marriage is relatively more frequent than the three others in group C.

4. hy-k marriage group: One partner is hy conductor; the other k conductor.

We have observed the strongest degree of libido-tropism with the homogeneous and the weakest with the extra-vector marriage classes. The homogeneous marriage class stands the closest to incest love. The intra-vector marriage class often gives the impression of a complete marriage.

It will be the task of future investigators to determine:

(a) Which form of marriage class is relatively the most harmonious and happy?

(b) With which marriage classes are separation and divorce the most frequent?

(c) Which marriage is the most fruitful?

(d) Which is psychologically the healthiest and hereditary prognostically the most favorable?

After all these questions have once been exactly cleared up, we can then pronounce a judgment on the question: When is a familial denial regarding marriage and love relationship justified and when not?

*

In the definition of familial negation, we have emphasized that here the person himself consciously rebels against the working of genotropism and in particular against libido-tropism. He denies, for example, a love relationship because he as a conductor of a definite familial predisposition and will not get involved with a partner in love and marriage, since the person descends from a family that possesses the same hereditary illness as in his own family. The resistance against the genotropism in marriage stems most frequently from the side of the family than from that of persons who feel themselves drawn to one another genotropically. In this case one can say: The ego of the family, thus the "familial ego," denies a marriage that on the basis of familial strivings -- in the sense of genotropism -- wants to come about.

The familial negation of marriage, the marriage taboo, is expressed mostly on the basis of the hereditary prognosis of the descendents. In our current society, there is thus next to a social and a financial status rule also a hereditary prognostic guiding rule for marriage that is thus developed precisely on a definite exogamy as in the case with primitives. The decisive difference between the two exogamy rules is seen in that the buildup of the relationship spheres is different with primitives than with us. Consequently, the marriage rules are also different. This circumstance can not hold us back from raising the question whether the same authority of hereditary hygiene is still decisive with both the primitives and cultured people in the forbidding of definite marriages.

We may answer only correctly this question when we investigate the exogamy rules of primitives not with our eyes but on the basis of the principles of their "own genetics." We must examine their marriage rules and "incest taboos" on the basis of the primitive's view of propagation theory. The marriage classes of primitives are best known in the case of the Melanesian tribes. We follow here literally the statements of Malinowski on the Trobrianders, since these statements were confirmed also with other primitive peoples.

"The totem organization of the natives is simple and symmetrical in its main lines. Mankind is divided in four clans (kumila). According to the opinion of the natives the special kind of totem for each particular clan is just as unalterably innate as sex, skin color and build. The totem cannot be changed; it goes beyond the individual life, because it is passed to the other world and is brought back unchanged again to this world when the spirit returns by reincarnation. This fourfold totem organization applies, according to the opinion of the Trobriander, to the whole world and covers all groups of mankind. If a European comes on the Trobriand island, then the natives ask him quite simply and trustingly to which of the four classes does he belong, and it is not very easily explained to the most intelligent one among them that this fourfold totem division organization does not apply to the whole world and is not rooted in human nature. The natives of the neighboring areas, where there are more than four clans, are inserted constantly into the fourfold pattern without difficulties, by dividing everyone of the four Trobriander clans into several foreign clans. For this classification of smaller groups under larger ones is a model in the Trobriander culture, because each of the larger totem clans covers smaller groups, so-called dala or sub-clans, as we wish to call it."

"The sub-clans are at least as important as the clans, because the members of the same sub-clans are actually blood related, from the same rank and form the local unit of the Trobriander society. Each local village community consists only of people who belong to only one sub-clan; they have common claims to the land of the village, to the surrounding garden lands, and to a number of local privileges. Large villages consist of several local units, but each unit has its connected land in the village and adjacent a large piece of garden land. There are even different terms in order to designate affiliation to a sub-clan and affiliation to the clan. People of the same sub-clan are actual relatives and call each other veyogu, my blood relation. For a member of the same clans, who belongs however to another sub-clan, this term is used only superficially and figuratively; on closer questioning one receives the answer that such a man is only pseudo-related: It becomes with more reflection the derogatory term kakaveyogu (my false relative)." 42

For high rank, in particular however for the blood relationship, sub-clan is more importantly than the clan. The clan is actually a social category and plays nevertheless a role in the question of incest taboos. On the basis of the statements of the natives Malinowski gives the following insights on blood shame and exogamy:

"Exogamy is for the natives an absolute taboo, both which concern marriage and sexual intercourse; a breaking of the rules meets with the strongest moral disapproval, which kindles the anger of the community against the wrong doers and which with the discovery of their offenses drives them to suicide. There is also a supernatural means of punishment, a terrible illness that can lead to death. Consequently exogamy is strictly observed; trespass never happens."43

These statements describe however -- as Malinowski stresses -- only the "moral ideal"; real behavior deviates far from it. The breach of exogamy within the clan with the "false relatives," the so-called "kakaveyola," occurs everywhere.

The actual rule reads: "Marriage within the clans -- differing from love relation -- is considered as a serious offense against the rule."44 "More strictly are observed the rules of exogamy, if the two partners belong not only to the same clan but also to the same sub-clan (dala)."45 Because these are genuine relatives (veyola mokita). Marriage among members of the same sub-clan is completely impossible, and also the sexual relationship is much more strictly defended against by blood shame. "Still more strictly the rules apply to genealogical provable relationship. Blood shame with the daughter of the sister of the mother is a disgusting crime that can lead even to the suicide."46 The Trobriander calls this manner of blood shame "suvasova." It is the highest taboo. (See on this the taboo listed in the section: "Collective Negation.")

Now one must distinguish two kinds of relationship with the primitives. First the "individual" blood relationship, which is itself only on the female line within the family community and which refers to the closest individual family. Thus: Blood relationship between mother and child and between brother and sister. The relationship with the grandmother goes already beyond this close family relationship. The second is the so-called "classified" relationship. With this family relation the relationship is not considered between two individuals but between an individual and a group (clan and sub-clan). Certain terms for the relationship -- like mother, sister, brother, father, which actually refer with us only to the close individual family members - is used in "classifying" relationship system of primitives (L. H. Morgan) outside of the family circle. Some examples according to Malinowski illuminate the manner of classified relation: The word



1. Tabu(gu)47 designates grandparents; the grandchild (grandchildren); the sister of the father, the daughter of the sister of the father.



2. Ina(gu): as individual blood relationship means: Mother, sister of the mother; as classified relationship: Women from the clan of the mother.

3. Tama(gu): As individual relationship the word refers to father, brother of the father; son of the sister of the father; in the classified sense: Men from the clan of the father.



4. Kada(gu): Brother of the mother and reciprocally; son of the sister and daughter of the sister.



5. Lu(gu) ta: In the individual sense of relationship: Sister (if a man speaks it); in the sense of the classified relationship: Woman from the same clan and the same generation (if a man speaks it); Man from the same clan and the same generation (if a woman speaks it), etc.48



That thus means: The child calls not only its own mother inagu (my mother), but also the sister of the mother (thus the aunt on the maternal side), even all women from the clan of the mother, only the word received - suiting the distance -- a different feeling stress. And a girl does not only call her father tama(gu) (mine = gu, father = tama) but also the brother of the father and even all men from the clan of the father. One can speak thus of relatives of first and second order, and with the distance both the intimacy and the severity of the taboo decreases very rapidly.

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Szondi Ego Analysis Section 1.2 of Page 1

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Some quotes from Szondi--and lose associations--Out of context, but might make you think.

In these taboo mechanisms of the Trobriander there is a paradox for us, an incomprehensible contradiction: Sexual intercourse with the daughter of the sister of the mother is a suvasova taboo, thus an exogamy taboo. It brings a supernatural punishment with it, "an illness that covers the skin with ulcers and generally calls forth in the whole body pain and uncomfortableness."24 However the sister of the father and the daughter of the sister of the father are tabugu, thus the model of the legally permitted, indeed even the sexually recommended woman.

While with cultured peoples the incest prohibition is on both paternal and maternal sides, thus bilaterally valid, the incest taboo is unilaterally only developed in the line of the mother with primitives.

The primitive has to behave himself just the opposite with the sister of the father and the daughter of the sister of the father in sexual intercourse and in marriage as against the sister and daughter of the sister of the mother. We saw that for example in Nothwest Melanesia the most suitable marriage is that when the son of a man marries the daughter of the man's sister, thus the cousin on the paternal side. One calls this kind of marriage "cross cousins marriage." This is not subjected to a taboo; it is not incest marriage; the marriage with the daughter of the mother's sister is however blood shame [incest].

This unilateral restriction of the incest taboo depends closely on that completely different order of the structure of relationship with the Trobrianders and other primitives. On Trobriand island -- as also at many other places -- the original mother right still prevails. The matriarchal institutions cause the most important sexual and social mechanisms -- included the line of succession. For the mother right system the reproduction theory is decisive, according to which the father in no way contributes to the origin of the child. The body of the child is according to this idea to be developed uniquely and solely by the mother. The child is from same substance as the mother. "The smallest physical connection does not exist between father and child."25 From this one-sided reproduction theory are the following basic views: "The mother makes the child from her blood." Or: "Brothers and sisters are from the same flesh, because they come from the same mother." This interpretation determines: 1. Origin, thus the relationship system. 2. Line of succession. 3. Next position in rank, honor, etc. 4. Restrictions and regulations of marriage and sexual taboos. 5. Funeral regulations, mourning, dead dirges, etc.

The word father = tama and has thus with the matriarchal primitives a completely different sense than with cultured peoples. Malinowski writes: "In all discussions about the relationship, the father is described very decidedly as tomakava, as a "stranger" or more correctly as an "outsider."26

However if the father is a "stranger" and an "outsider," then sexual intercourse of his son with the aunt or with the cousin on the paternal side is no blood shame [incest], since they are not -- according to their relationship system -- "blood related." Since the son is blood related to the mother only, sexual intercourse with the mother, with his own sister, with the aunt and with the cousin are on the maternal side and is thus blood shame.

The cross cousins marriage - in which thus the young man marries the daughter of his aunt on the paternal side -- is not incest marriage with primitives. Malinowski harbors the opinion that this kind of marriage ceremony occurs on an economic basis. The father, who loves his son, can secure all possible advantages for his son in a relationship organization based on mother right only by means of cross cousins marriage. As an example Malinowski presents the following diagram (Fig. 6).

[Häuptling [1] = Chief; Schwester des Häuptlins [2] = Sister of the Chief; Häuptlins-Tochter [3] = Chief's daughter; Häuptlins-Sohn [4] = Chief's son; Tochter der Schwesler des Häuptlins [5] = Daughter of the sister of the Chief; Sohn der Schwester des Häuptlins und sein Erbe [6] = Son of the sister of the Chief and his heir]

[rechmässige Vettern-Basen-Heirat = lawful cousin-cousin marriage]

[die Heirot zwischen diesen beiden wird nicht gerne gesehen = marriage between both of these is rarely seen]

[Abb. 6. Genealogie der Kreuz-Vettern-Basen-Heirat nach Malinowski = Fig. 6. Geneology of Cross Cousins Marriage According to Malinowski]

In addition to the chart is the following discussion: "The chief in our diagram has a sister; she has a son, an heir and successor of the chief, and a daughter, who is by her mother a niece of the chief; this girl is set above the ranking sex. The husband of this girl will take a very privileged position from the day of his marriage. According to custom and law of the country he has fully certain demands on the brother or the brothers and other male relatives of his wife; they are obliged to pay to him an annual tribute of food and apply themselves ex officio [because of his office] as his allies, friends, and helpers. He acquires also the right to live in the village and to participate in tribal affairs and magic as he wishes. It is apparently appropriate thus that he actually takes the same position as the son of the chief during the lifetime of his father -- a position, out of which he is ousted from home as legal heir on the death of his father. This type of marriage differs also from the norm in as much as the married man moves into the village community of his wife. Cross cousins marriage is thus matriarchal in opposition to the usual patriarchal custom."27

"The difficulties of the chief find an obvious natural solution by a marriage between his son and his niece or grand niece. All parties mostly win with this undertaking. The chief and his son receive what they wish themselves; the niece of the chief marries the most influential man of the village and increases still thereby his influence; and between the son of the chief and his legal inheritance is in this way creating an association that sets aside the rivalry frequently existing between them. The brother of the girl cannot oppose the marriage because of the strict taboo (see Chapter XIII, 6); and since the marriage contract is already concluded during the childhood of the chief's son, the brother is not normally in the position to intervene."28

C. G. Jung -- supported by the work of John Layard29 -- has interpreted correctly only partly and, in general, however, completely misunderstood the sense of the "cross cousins marriages." He writes: "Moreover the so-called 'incest barrier' is a very doubtful hypothesis (although it is well suited for describing neurotic conditions) in so far as it represents a culture achievement that is not invented but originates in natural ways on the basis of complex biological necessities connected with the development of the so-called marriage class systems. These do not under any circumstances aim at the prevention of incest but at meeting the social danger of the endogamy by instituting cross cousins marriage. The typical marriage with the daughter of the maternal uncle is actually managed with that libido that could possess the mother or the sister. It thus is not about the avoiding of incest, since primitives find ample opportunity as shown by the frequent instances of promiscuity, but rather about the social necessity for the expansion of the family organization throughout the whole tribe."30

In this interpretation of C. G. Jung, the only correct statement is that behind cross cousins marriage social and economic factors can play a role. All that he questions regarding the prevention of incest stands in contradiction with the statements of B. Malinowski. According to this author, who possesses the highest authority on this question, a marriage of the man with the daughter of the uncle on the maternal side is not happily viewed. (Compare this to Fig. 6 on the genealogy of the cross cousins marriage.)

Malinowski expresses himself clearly in this connection: "Only a young man and a young girl, who descend from a brother and from a sister, can enter into a marriage, 31 which corresponds to the law and differs at the same time from only coincidental unions; therefore, as we have seen, a father gives his son to be the wife of his own relative (the daughter of his sister). But an important point is still to be mentioned: the son of the man (No. 4 in Fig. 6) must marry the daughter of the woman. (the sister, No. 5), not the reverse of the daughter of the man (No. 3) and the son of the woman (the sister, No. 6). Only in the first mentioned relationship do both call each other tabugu -- by this designation is expressed that sexual intercourse between them is permitted. The other pair connected in the diagram (No. 3 and No. 6) by a dotted line stands according to Trobriander concepts in a completely different familial relation (see the explanation about relationship designations in Chapter XIII, 6). A girl calls the son of the sister of her father tamagu, "my father". "Marriage with tama ("father" = son of the sister of the father) is no blood shame, but is viewed reluctantly and occurs only rarely. Little cause exists for such a marriage."32

Jung errs thus in the following points: First of all in the fact that the marriage of a man (No. 6) with the daughter (No. 3) of the uncle (No. 1) on the mother's side (No. 2) is typical. According to Malinowski it occurs rarely. Secondly Jung errs in particular in the fact that this marriage -- if it occurs -- in the eyes of the primitives would be incest marriage. Malinowski stressed expressly that the sexual union between a man and the daughter of the uncle on the mother's side (between No. 6 and No. 3) is not blood shame; it only reluctantly happens. Briefly: Jung regards the incest question with the eyes of the cultured person and not with that of the primitive.

With the primitives the incest concept is set as purely maternal and unilateral and with the cultured people as bilateral (that is paternal and maternal.) Since the father is a stranger in those countries, where mother right rules, and not blood-related, thus only the relationship in the line on the mother's side applies as a blood relationship according to the law of the natives.

Jung forgets that in the eyes of the natives father and child are connected only by a number of mutual obligations, not however by blood.

The marriage rules of primitives speak thus rather for the avoidance of incest in the sense of an "incest barrier" of Freud as opposed to the assumption of Jung. (See the section: Familial Negation.)

Malinowski stresses: "The cross cousins marriage is without a doubt a compromise between the badly balanced principles of mother right and father love"33… however it is not -- as it is interpreted by Jung -- a compromise with the "incest drive." In the eyes of the primitives the "cross cousins marriages" are precisely not incest marriages. The Jungian argumentation against Freud's incest barrier theory is in our opinion unfounded. The endogamy incest love is thus a genuine drive of a collective nature, which however has been denied by the collective from generation to generation from the outside by force. Thus the incest barrier and the incest taboo developed on the basis of a collective negation.

Because the collective incest drive was inhibited in its realization "in the flesh," it -- as Layard says - was carried out in the spirit. The exogamy contains thus according to this author a spiritual purpose in the structure of the culture.34 The barriers against the incest endogamy were not set up however -- according to our view -- totally consciously in favor of the culture, but partly unconscious and partly conscious for survival -- today we would like to say -- from an only partly conscious "hygienic" idea. With the help of the conscious internal ethical and outside moral defenses, incest love, which was for the species unconsciously suspected as harmful, is denied by the ego and by the collective.

The incest taboo is thus in our opinion an example of how the ego of the individual and the collective ego, that is the ego existence of a collective, can deny a collective drive -- the endogamy incest drive.

This collective manner of the denial is based on the collective knowledge of the unconscious that namely endogamy damages the "human" species. The personal and collective ego is thus with the denial an active executor of a negation, which lives and works originally deeply built into the collective unconscious of mankind. The expansion of the primitive unilateral incest taboos to a bilateral incest prohibition of a maternal and a paternal nature could be the result of the expansion of father right and the changes exerted by it on the social order.

*

The prohibition of incest has however a particular relationship not only to the collective but also to familial negation; in particular, because incest love -- as we have already explained in 193735 -- thrives on the familial basis of genotropism.

3. Familial Negation

Denial is familial when the ego avoids, denies, inhibits, estranges, or represses strivings of the familial unconscious.

Each denial of the ego, which is erected against the function of the familial unconscious, that is, is directed against the genotropism, bears thus the character of familial negation. If the familial unconscious directs the choice of the descendent in love, friendship, occupation, illness and death compulsively in a completely determined direction -- determined by an ancestor figure -- and if the personal ego resists the compulsive choice direction of his fate forcefully, then we are entitled to speak of a familial negation.

We speak thus everywhere about familial denial where the person rebels against the compulsive choice of an ancestor and against his or her "compulsive fate" and where the ego consciously erects for itself a free, self-chosen "choice fate."

From this determination of the concept of familial negation is preserved in the familial denial the condition, without which it can not occur; that is: Becoming conscious of the compulsive fate of the ancestors.

(a) Generalizations about Compulsive Fate and Choice Fate

Fate psychology has the interpretation that in each fate one must distinguish between a "compulsive element" and a "free element." These two elements of fate are connected together in the following manner:

Our ancestors supplied the components and the plan for the formation of our fate. Each ancestor with his particular requirement for life and in his special way of life supplies for the descendent "a model and a figure."36 Each ancestor in our familial unconscious figures as a particular fate possibility. We have and bear in this internal plan of our fates -- which we precisely call the "familial unconscious" -- many different ancestors and consequently many quite often polar opposite fate possibilities. Each ancestor figure in the familial unconscious has a tendency to function as a "model" for the fate of the descendent. Therein consists the compulsive choice of ancestors in love, friendship, occupations, illness, and death.

We call this part of fate imposed and conditioned by the ancestors: Compulsive fate.

The court that chooses out of these familial laid-out manifold plans of fate possibilities precisely for itself a personal fate and denies all others is the ego.

We call the part of fate chosen freely by the ego: Choice fate.

If the ego affirms a particular form and a particular element of his compulsive fate and introjects this fate of a corresponding ancestor form into his ego, then in ego analysis we speak of a "familial introjection." The result is an imprinting and shaping of this compulsive element of the familial fate. We call this imprinted element of familial fate: Character. Thus occurs the familial character traits that determine the behavior, position taking, and value system of the descendents.

The ego, however, has the freedom to deny particular elements of compulsive fate, to inhibit them in their drive toward manifestation, to estrange itself from these ancestor demands or -- when it cannot occur otherwise -- to repress the whole ancestor figure forced upon him. In these cases, one is entitled to speak about a familial form of negation. Consequently the free fate choice occurs at one time through familial introjection, but, however, more frequently through familial negation.

The becoming conscious of an imposed compulsive fate can occur spontaneously, and the ego comes -- after a free insight into its necessity -- to the decision: "I will not have the same fate as my father, or my mother, or my brother, or my sister, or my uncle, or my aunt...."

This conscious rebellion of the ego against the familial compulsive fate and against the compulsive repetition of an ancestor fate already resisted against in the past is in my experience more frequent than one assumes.

Next to the spontaneous form of familial negation there is however also a so-called "artificial" or "therapeutic" form of familial denial, namely that which tends likewise to occur in depth psychological treatment, in particular in fate analytical [schicksalsanalytischen] therapy.

In this analysis the sick person slowly becomes conscious that he so far has copied and lived accordingly to an ancestor figure of his ancestors unconsciously and compulsively. He becomes gradually conscious that his life was so far only a repetition of an ancestor's life. He however wants to have his own life and his own fate. He becomes conscious that only the one who chooses consciously by himself has his own personal fate. There occurs on the couch in the analytical hour a heroic and conscious conflict with an ancestor and a struggle with the compulsive fate of the ancestor, often lasting months long, and - unfortunately -- the struggle does not always end in victory with the wrestling descendent lying on top of the ancestor.

Szondi Ego Analysis Section 1,1 of page 1

2010-03-30T15:56:00.000-07:00

Lipot (Leopold) Szondi, Ich-Analyse [Ego Analysis]

Translated by By Arthur C. Johnston, PhD
© 2008

Please Observe: The copyright of this article (in German or in English) belongs to the Szondi Institute and to Dr. Arthur C. Johnston. This means you may not duplicate this article without their permissions.

[DIV 1.1 (Long page) Book Chapter XIV]

Negation. Denial.

Concept and Forms of Negation

Negation is the partly unconscious and partly conscious elementary striving of the ego with avoidance, denial, inhibition, alienation, and repression of definite demands, ideas, and ideals.

The extreme goal of negation is destruction of the imagination [Desimagination], thus the destruction of the ideals of being and having, in short: Destruction. Denial is thus fundamentally the antipode of incorporation. The result of introjection is, as is well known, the identification with the object. The result of negation, on the other hand, manifests itself in counter identification.

Introjection (k+) and negation (k-) form a functional pair of opposites. We call the wholeness of both functions: The position taking k ego or ego systole or ego constriction. Ego systole is a between-factorial ego concept. Because the constriction is originally directed against the expansion and against the diastole of the internal world and not against the external world.

If the systole overvalues the relation of the person to the external world, then this is mostly pathological. [Thus, for example, with the negativism of the catatonic.] With the denying constriction, the ego is compelled to contain, on the one hand, its readiness for boundless expansion and its excessive projection capability and, on the other hand, however, also to deny the have ideals of introjection since they appear to it useless and impossible. Ego systole is consequently constantly a deflation or a deprojection or a countering of introjection. That means: The denying ego systole is taking a constricting position against inflation, against projection, and against introjection. How can the ego, however, take a position against the ego diastole? Only by the means that it turns itself outward and examines reality. That is the end goal of the task of the "k" ego. Reality testing can, according to Freud, take place in two directions.

The ego tests on the one hand if the strivings, ideas, and ideals are good or bad. The good will be accepted and introjected (k+); the bad denied and cast out (k-).

On the other hand the ego tests reality by determining if the contents of the projections and inflations are or are not to be found actually in the external world.

Only through this reality testing directed to the external can the position taking k ego limit the inflative or projective ego diastole. This fact can clarify the apparent paradoxical experience that namely the "constricting k ego" turns the person to the external world -- thus he or she becomes extraverted; on the other hand, the "expanding" p ego turns him or her to the internal world -- thus becoming introverted.

Similarly as with projection one can also with negation differentiate a primary and a secondary process.

Primary negation is exclusively leveled at the inner realm and is satisfied by constriction of the ego diastole tendencies. This constriction is executed precisely through reality testing and thus through extraversion. The "k" ego calls virtually for help from the external world in order to defend itself against the danger of boundless diastole in the interior world. This restricting form is healthy and expresses itself in adaptation.

Secondary negation, however, goes further. It does not content itself with the limiting of possession [or obsession] (p+) or projection (p-), but destroys all ideals of having. It draws the ego back from the external world completely. Consequently the ego capsulates itself from the outer world completely. It consists of an ego barrier to the inner realm (k-!!) as also to the outer (C - -). Psychiatry would speak of negativism and catatonia. The sick person locks himself also completely from the environment: He does not speak, doesn't react, doesn't eat, etc.

Introjection and negation are consequently both reality testing k ego functions. With the introjection this reality tester says yes; with negation, no.

In our culture negation is the most frequently used elementary function of the ego; on the other hand, it is projection in the case of primitives. This fact was experimentally established by us1 first and then confirmed by others in the first place by F. Soto Yarritu 2 and E. Percy.3

The position taking k ego can deny personal, collective, and familial contents of the p ego, and consequently yields thus the well-known three forms with negation: (1) Personal, (2) collective, and (3) familial denial.

1. Personal Negation

(a) Psychoanalytical Interpretation

Negation is personal, when the ego denies ideas, strivings, or ideals that once belonged to the personal stock of the repressed unconscious.

The circumstance that S. Freud until 1926 had recognized repression as the only important manner of defense in the teachings on neuroses makes it understandable why he has given the definition of "denial" only from the standpoint of repression. It is: "Denial is a manner of bringing up repressed knowledge, actually already a raising-up of repression but certainly no acceptance of the repressed...." "A repressed representation or thinking content can penetrate thus to consciousness under the condition that it lets itself be denied."4

From the teachings of Freud on denial we present the following statements:

1. Denial is an intellectual and conscious judgment function.

2. With this process the intellectual function separates however from the affect process. Then through the denial, the result of the repression process is only made to come back, namely that the conception contents of repression do not succeed to become conscious. Through the denial process a path for the repressed idea is made open to consciousness; the idea is however denied.

The essential in repression -- namely the affective part -- undergoes nevertheless immediate denial. Freud says, "Something in judgment denies; fundamentally it consists in something of the greatest love that the ego must repress. The condemnation is an intellectual substitute for the repression; its no is a sign thereby as an original certificate for something that was 'made in Germany.'"5

Denial consequently according to psychoanalysis is a release of repressed contents to consciousness, whose contents subsequently are denied nevertheless through the intellectual judgment function.

3. In addition, however, also introjection and, consequently, introjective identification, according to psychoanalysis, is a judgment function. Freud finds the difference in the following:

The judgment function of the ego works in two directions, and indeed at one time in the "pleasure ego" and another time in the "reality ego." The "pleasure ego" asks: Should the perception and idea be or not be accepted into the ego?

The judgment function of this "pleasure ego" is evident: That all good should be incorporated in the ego -- orally expressed "eaten up"; all bad on the other hand should be -- as foreign to the ego -- denied -- or more orally "spit out." Introjection is thus, from the standpoint of the pleasure ego, out of the choice of the good and the assimilation of the good into the ego.

On the other hand denial is the fate of all that is strange and an outside being, and thus is bad. One can say: Denial is the result of the xenophobia of the ego.

The second question is placed by the reality ego. It says: Is the idea present in reality? This is a question of reality testing.

Freud states, "Experience has taught that it is not only important if a thing (object of satisfaction) possesses 'good' characteristics; that is, the acceptance is deserved by the ego, but also if it is present in the outer world so that one can seize it according to one's need."6 He sees the first purpose of reality testing therein that the ego must satisfy itself if an object corresponding to the representation still further exists in the outer world and if consequently that there is a real possibility for it to be found again.

4. The condition for setting up of each reality testing is according to Freud: The loss of objects, which made possible real satisfactions in the past. This thesis of Freud is indicated experimentally by us through the coupling of the reactions m- and k -.

5. Freud goes still further and makes the bold attempt to attribute the origin of intellectual judgment capabilities - including those of reality testing and denial -- to the roots of the primary drive excitations. He states: "Affirmation -- as substitute for union -- belongs to Eros; denial -- the result of ejecting -- belongs to the destructive drive [Thanatos].7

(b) Fate Analytical [Schicksalsanalytsche] Interpretation

In psychoanalysis the process of denial is considered as a process of second degree.

Denial is for the psychoanalysts constantly a secondary and intellectual substitute for repression, which always represents the primary process in the soul's depths.

The interpretation of fate psychology [Schicksalspsychology] deviates from the Freudian principles. Two events have contributed to this deviation in the definition of denial.

First, the circumstance that after 1926 in psychoanalytical theories of defense, repression had generally lost also its exclusive and ubiquitous position.8 One begins to recognize besides repression also other independent kinds of defenses.

Second, in particular the results of experimental ego analysis since 1935 has forced us to interpret denial as a primordial elementary function of the ego. From the standpoint of experimental ego analysis we must represent the processes in the case of negation as follows:

I. Negation is an elementary function of the ego, which actually is of such an elementary nature that it represents an ego radical just like projection, inflation, and introjection.

II. Negation is not to be understood as an intellectual replacement of repression, but repression is itself only a subordinate form of the elementary ego function of negation. Precisely in that consists the revision of the negation concept. In the ego teachings of fate analysis negation is a principal concept, a genus proximum; repression, on the other hand, is only a first among parts [primus inter pares], thus only one of the important subordinate parts, which -- as also with the other denial defense forms -- are subordinate under the chief category of negation.

III. Negation is not always a conscious intellectual judgment function of the ego as psychoanalysis assumes. The ego can deny demands and ideas that are not conscious. We enumerate the following variations of unconscious negation:

1. Unconscious negation of unconscious projections: Unconscious adaptation. This process is the chief form of denial and makes up the essence of each adaptation to reality. Pleasure demands and power expansions are transferred out of the personal and frequently also out of the familial and collective unconscious, and the position taking ego denies them, without the person himself being made conscious either of the process of projection or of negation.

2. Unconscious negation of unconscious obsessions [possessions], of inflations, and of doublings. They appear clinically in the form of inhibitions. The person, however, becomes conscious neither of inflation nor of negation. Frequently however the obsession or the doubling tendency (ambitendency) becomes conscious; on the other hand, the process of denial in the form of inhibition is discharged unconsciously. This is particularly the case with conversion hysteria.

3. Unconscious negation of latent femininity, respectively abandonment: Estrangement.

This process leads to clinical phenomena that is registered as estrangement and depersonalization or, perhaps, as jealousy delusions. In these cases the person is missing the slightest suspicion that he denies his abandonment or his femininity. Its clinical symptomatology expresses itself only in the uncomfortable feeling that all is strange, dead-like or gray, that the objects of the world have become flat or small, that sounds come as if from a distance, etc. In addition one observes increased self-observations (hypochondria). That the person denies something and, in particular, what he denies remain completely unconscious to him.

4. Of course the prohibited need as also its denial with the repression is constantly unconscious.

5. Negativisms, in particular with catatonic schizophrenia, are unconscious denial processes, which -- as we proved experimentally -- lay hidden as unconscious destruction of false ideal formations (destruction of imagination and iconoclastic destructions).9 The denial of ideal formations up to destruction is unconscious for the sick person.

6. The unconscious negation of the backgrounds [the background ego]. The drive dialectic research with the complementary method has convinced us that the ego of the foreground (the so-called foreground ego) must often either deny the whole background or negate particular functions of the background, in particular the background ego. Naturally this negation of the backgrounds likewise is an unconscious process.10 Thus with the adaptation (Sch = - -) of the foreground ego constantly is denied the narcissistic ego of the background, which must be everything and have everything (Sch = + +).

The foreground ego of the inhibited man (Sch = - +) denies energetically his antipode in the background, namely the autistic undisciplined background ego (Sch = + -). In the case where repression is established, the repressing and denying power of the foreground-ego (Sch = - 0) in particular is against the background ego, which actually affirms the femininity and consequently supports the same sexuality (Sch = + ±).

The ego analyst in the case of negativist-destructive catatonia and the catatonoid (Sch = -!! - or Sch -!! 0) has convinced us that the sick person with the destructive denial is trying to destroy mostly the background needs, which precisely lead to exaggerated ideal formation and hyper-identification (Sch = +!! +). The greater the negativism in the case of a sick person, the greater is the demand to have everything (k+!) and to be everything (p+!).

Naturally this process in the case of catatonia is likewise unconscious.

These only briefly cited results of ego analysis have moved us to revise the denial concept. We maintain:

Denial is no intellectual and conscious process, where the person tries to make the repressed return. Negation is a primary, mostly unconscious elementary function of the ego, which exhibits the following five manifestations:

1. Adaptation: Sch = - -

2. Inhibition: Sch = - +

3. Estrangement: Sch = - ±

4. Repression: Sch = - 0

5. Negativism: } Sch = -!! -

Destruction of imagination: } Sch = -!! 0

Destruction: } Sch = -!!! - or -!!! 0.

The common factor in these five ego processes is denial: Which manifests itself in the test in the reaction: k-.

The separating of the differences among the five negation forms consists, on the one hand, in the phase differences of the ego diastole, thus in factor p (p = - or + or ± or 0) or, on the other hand, in the quantity of denial.

*

In the theories of defense we will treat in detail the five subordinate forms of the main defense category "negation" in all their relationships.

Adaptation, inhibition, estrangement, repression, negativism, and destruction are all only different forms of the same saying no. Saying no is the most human and nevertheless the most fateful [verhängnisvollste] statement of humans. The differences in this saying no go in two directions.

First of all, whether that which the person denies represents an object of projection or inflation or both ego diastolic processes or introjection.

Secondly, whether the strength of the denying is an adapting, inhibiting, estranging, repressing, or substantial destructing force. Briefly, the quantity of the denying strength determines the expression form of the denial.

If the ego in adaptive form says no and if the denied object is a wish that it has transferred into the world, then one consider this adaptation.

Says the ego no to all that which can be promising for being great and being everything, and this demand to being like God becomes denied through constriction of one's ego function, thus one speaks about inhibition.

The ego says no to the abandonment and to all demands of femaleness, which move in one, and these demands are energetically ejected and denied continuously, then estrangement presents itself.

Says the ego no in pathologically repressing something about which it itself knows no more but which it has known before, thus one speaks of repression.

Says the ego inflexibly and rigidly no to everything that it wishes deeply to have and to be, then we speak of negativism.

If the ego destroys with violence all ideals, which it had once itself practiced with devotion, thus one speaks of destruction of imagination and of destruction both in the case of criminals and unrestrained maniacs.

The what and the how much of denial is consequently different. Saying no is constantly the same in all these forms of denying taking of a position.

And consequently the form and the degree of saying no of this elementary function of the ego becomes one of the most important factors of existence [Daseins], which determines the fate of the individual and the history of mankind.

2. Collective Negation

One can consider the phenomenon of collective negation under two aspects. First a denial is then of a collective nature, when the individual avoids, denies, inhibits, estranges, or represses not personal but definite universal human impulses and ideas from the collective unconscious. The denied contents in this case belong to the collective and not to the personal stock of the soul. The designation "collective" will signify in this case consequently the collective origin of ideas or impulses negated by the individual. Thus, in the same sense as we have emphasized the collective nature with projection, inflation and introjection.

One can call collective negation, however, also all rules and prohibitions of religion, the state, the group, the clans, by which any collective group denies certain behaviors of individuals. If the denying court is the person himself, then the prohibition comes from within, and the denied need is other than that of a collective nature. If, on the other hand, the denying court is a collective group (group, clan, state, church, etc.), then the prohibition comes from outside, and the person is compelled by moral, religious or state limitations to renounce a personal or collective need.

In the first volume of Triebpathologie [Drive Pathology] we have specified as follows the differences between ethics and morals:

Ethics is the inner prohibition and the inner law against killing and against incest love. It is based on the root factor e. This prohibition bears constantly a "holy" (sacred) character.

Morals is the outer prohibition against certain behaviors that are prohibited by society. Morals are based on the root factor hy. It develops the shame barriers. Fate psychology sees the commonality of these two kinds of "shrinking or narrowing" in that ethical as well as moral defense mechanisms represent affective derivations. Both are phenomenon of the paroxysmal circle. We have grounds, however, to assume that the ego as also with the so-called affective kinds of defense remains the leading court. Without the ego there is neither ethics nor morals.

Under this criterion collective negation can originate at one time with the help of the internal law, the ethics. In this case the ego denies a collective need -- like killing or incest -- out of an inner prohibition. At other times, however, the collective negation appears as a moral denial, whereby thus a personal felt demand is denied because the outside power of the group (clan), class, society, country, municipality, or church prohibits and punishes the behavior.

There are however collective needs, which from the ego as well as from within, thus by the ethical censor as also from the outside -- that is through shame barriers of the group morality -- since primeval times have been denied in a double way. Such a collective need, in our opinion, is incest love.

Incest Taboo as Collective Negation

The word incest stems from incestare = to pollute and to stain. Some languages consider incest "blood shame" [Blutschande].

Legally by incest is understood sexual intercourse between relatives in the sense of parents and children, grandparents and grandchildren, brothers and sisters, and in some countries even among those related by marriage.

The problem of incest is divided psychologically into two subordinate questions. First of all: Is the incest love a collective need or a rare aberration of certain ill persons? Secondly: Is the incest inhibition -- as taboo and as incest barrier -- purely social, stemming from the outside and that is taught and thus an acquired characteristic of the human child or, however, a collective and hereditary safety mechanism against the incest love?

Point 1. Historically one must accept -- as the sexual physician Hermann Rohleder11 from Leipzig has shown -- that sexual intercourse between blood relatives, and in particular between brothers and sisters, was somewhat completely natural with prehistoric people. This custom was preserved still into historical time as with the Arabs. (Strabo explained that an Arab king's daughter is to have sexual intercourse with her fifteen brothers.)

According to Rohleder, incest was found as somewhat completely natural and occurred with permission not only with the old Egyptians, Persians and Peruvians but still today the custom with the Weddas in Annam and on Ceylon. Myths, sagas and legends of all peoples encourage the collective nature of incest love. "The Incest Motif in Poetry and Saga" was treated by 0. Rank and that likewise speaks for the collective nature of incest love.12 We find a further collection of symbols of incest in the works of C. G. Jung. 13 The ubiquitous nature of incest wishes was emphasized by Freud not only with neurotics but with those in the normal course of development. He writes: The first object choice of humans is regularly incestuous, with the male directed toward mother and sister, and it requires the sharpest prohibitions in order to hold this continually effective infantile predisposition from being implemented.

In a correctional institute for neglected girls in Budapest, we found that 28% of the girls had incest relations with their brother or father. Much of this speaks for the fact that one is able to obtain statistically only a small part of the cases and that in the country the experience of incest love indeed occurs still more frequently than in the large city.

Incest love bears thus the indication of a collective need.

Point 2. From where however does the prohibition come against incest love? From where the incest barrier?

Historically it is certain that incest love not always, not everywhere, and not for all members of a community was forbidden. From history it is well-known that people slated for inbreeding with the old Egyptians with strict relationship inbreeding were paired - indeed even with incest marriage. The kings of the Ptolemy line constantly married their own sisters.14

At the time of the old Persian realms (from 550 to 330), under the kings Cyrus, Darius and Xerxes, the direct incest marriage was at the highest peak. Brother and sister, father and daughter, and mother and son wed each other. Among the highest and leading castes of the rulers incest marriage was even the law.15 After Cambyses had arranged that the rulers would have to marry their sisters and even their daughters, the degeneration of this ruler family quickly progressed. Herodotus indicates that Cambyses was married to his sister, Artaxerxes. (According to Plutarch he should have been married to his daughter Sysimithres and according to Curtius even with his mother.16)

To a large extent the Persian realm through the incest marriages of the ruler families, throne changes, and murder (incest murder), the rule within a short time collapses. The inbreeding of the people accelerated naturally also the degeneration.

The old Peruvian is according to Rohleder democratic in inbreeding and in incest among the people. Because with the old Peruvians inbreeding and incest marriage was a national custom not solely in the governing but also in the bourgeois families. An Inca (ruler) was allowed to marry only his own biological sister and no other. From the blood of the sun, from which they believed to be descended and to be held pure, the other castes of the Peruvian had also to marry the sister, the daughter, and even the mother. The warrior married likewise his sister.17

These historical facts speak against the interpretation that incest prohibition and incest taboo would be a natural, inherited, and collective striving of humans. Incest love is however nevertheless subjected to taboo.

The Polynesian word taboo S. Freud has translated in the sense of "holy inhibition." With this expression he wanted to express the two opposite directions of action of taboo. Taboo is called, on the one hand, holy and consecrated (something as sacred); on the other hand forbidden, dangerous, terrible and impure.18

Freud stresses that taboo with primitives is neither a religious nor a moral prohibition.19 He says: "The taboo prohibitions are devoid of each explanation; they are of unknown origin; for us are incomprehensible; they appear natural to those who stand under its rules."20 According to Freud's opinion the primitive puts a taboo in place where he fears a danger. He constructs the history of the taboo according to the model of the compulsory prohibitions that were imposed from the outside on "a generation of primitives at one time and that nevertheless probably were impressed thus upon them violently by the earlier generation. These prohibitions concerned activities toward which existed a strong predisposition. The prohibitions were maintained then from generation to generation, perhaps only due to tradition maintained by parental and social authority. Perhaps however they have in the later organizations already "organized" as a piece of inherited psychological possession. Whether there are such "innate ideas" and whether they caused alone or in cooperation with the education the setting up of that taboo, who would be able exactly to decide for the question under discussion (for the incest taboo)? But from maintaining the taboo would be invoked, one has the idea that the original pleasure that each prohibition is concerned with is also still continued by the people having the taboo. These people have thus toward their taboo prohibitions an ambivalent attitude; they would like in the unconscious nothing better than to trespass it, but they are afraid before it; they directly are afraid because they would like it, but the fear is stronger than the desire. The desire in addition however with each individual is unconscious as it is with the neurotic."21

The interpretation of Freud on the origin of taboo prohibitions with primitives leans thus rather in the direction of the exogamy [caused by external conditions]. The primitives were imposed upon and pressured violently from the outside. Only the desire to do what is most strictly denied by the taboo prohibition seems to be, also according to Freud, a collective need. Most ethnologists see social mechanisms in the taboo prohibition. Thus also in the incest prohibition.

By careful inquiries among different authorities and supported by his own observations in Northwest Melanesia with the natives of the Trobriand islands (British New Guinea), Bronislaw Malinowski arranged the taboo prohibitions to the degree of their severity as follows:

"1. By far the strictest is the prohibition against brother and sister incest; it is the principal item of the suvasova [the breach of exogamy] taboos; violations occur extremely rarely both in reality and in legend.

2. Blood shame with the mother is considered as unnatural and unimaginable; cases are not well known; it is an important form of the suvasova; it is not spoken of with the same abhorrence as of the brother and sister incest.

3. Sexual intercourse with one's own daughter is not called suvasova; there are no supernatural punishments for it; it is felt as extremely bad; several cases of it are well-known.

4. Sexual intercourse with the daughter of the sister of the mother is a form of suvasova, occurs rarely, is very bad, and is constantly kept secret; with discovery it is more severely punished.

5. Sexual intercourse with the sister of the wife does not belong to suvasova but however is bad; marriage whether now in form of polygamy or with the sister of the deceased wife meets strong disapproval, but it occurs, while love relations are not rare.

6. Sexual intercourse with the mother-in-law or with the wife of the brother is improper and is however not suvasova and occurs apparently infrequently.

7. Sexual intercourse with classified luguta (my sister) is suvasova; it is forbidden by tribal law and threatened by supernatural punishments and is however frequently practiced and is as it were much sought after."22

Still another important relationship remains to be mentioned by the name of tabugu (sister of the father or daughter of the sister of the father), which already has been explained as counterpart to luguta (sister, if a man speaks). The sister of the father is the model of the lawfully permitted and even sexually recommended woman -- certainly only in the theory of the natives -- because in reality the daughter takes this place.

Against the sister of his father a man in sexual things has to behave himself just the opposite as with his own sister. Sexual intercourse with the father's own sister is completly fitting and proper. "It is very good, if a boy copulates with the sister of his father."

"Sexual intercourse between a man and his aunt on the paternal side plays a role in the theory and in idioms as symbol, but scarcely in real life. She is for him the symbol of all legally permitted women and simply sexual freedom. She may advise or give him support as a couple, but only in very rare cases does he have sexual intercourse with her. She belongs to an older generation, and what remained of their sexual attractions are mostly not too enticing for her. But if she and her nephews wish it, then they may sleep together; only a certain decorum must be practiced if she is married. Marriage with the aunt on the father's side, although permitted and even desired, seems never to occur; I also only succeeded in discovering one case among living persons or an excessive quantity from the historical records.

On the paternal side the young man finds the correct replacement for his aunt in their daughter. Both are judged as particularly suitable for sexual intercourse and for marriage. Often as children they become promised in engagement to each other (see Chapter IV, 4). The natives say that their cousin on the paternal side should be first with whom a boy should act sexually, if his age permits it.

The designation tabugu is expanded however soon since other girls who belong to the same sub-clan and clan as the cousin; finally it becomes equivalent, via going beyond the usual limited classification terminology to "all women, who do not belong to the clan of the sister." The usual classification terminology extends within the boundaries of the clans. The widest meaning the word mother extends to all those from the clan of the mother. But the word tabugu in the sense of "legally permitted woman" extends over three clans and covers approximately three quarters of the females as opposed to a quarter of women who are forbidden."23
(Very long page continued as 1.2 of page 1)

Szondi ego analysis denial repression Part 2 of 3.

2010-03-30T13:11:00.000-07:00

(Continued from Part 1)

As we had confronted this intelligent business man with this nature of his drive and ego fate, he remembered suddenly an unfortunate phase of his youth, in which the following had happened: He had a brother, who was a passive homosexual and -- nearly shamelessly -- like an older woman, lived as with a husband in a common household with mostly bearded men. The life of this brother was up to his early death a drama that repeated itself in suffering of abandonment. The testee became conscious in these youthful years that the life of a homosexual man was a “suffering road to Damascus.” There he decided now consciously, he would not suffer under the power of this love for the same sex. Thus he began intercourse with women -- thus relatively late at 24 years -- which he compulsively had always to repeat with other women. Thus he became a Don Juan -- from a defense and fear that he must repeat the cruel fate of his homosexual brother. In the meantime he succeeded to repress and thus to forget through many years the actual origin of his polygamy-like promiscuity completely. Only the confrontation in his fate analysis woke him up about his experience in youth about the fate of his brother.



In this case we can on the basis of ego analysis and fate analysis reconstruct briefly the processes, which led to the familial negation, as follows.

At the end of puberty our testee was in the physiological phase of juvenile homosexuality.



He did not dare however to give way to these juvenile strivings since he had seen the tragic fate of his older brother.



There appeared early a counter identification, that is, a conscious denial of the homosexual fate. Only in a dream could he be a woman who copulates in bed with a man.



This dream returns from his youth again and again and is a proof for the correctness of the experimental ego analysis, which makes apparent in the background of the affirmation of the femaleness (Th. K.P.: Sch = + ±). Dream contents are determined mostly from the demands of the backgrounds.37



The testee had then later (after 24 years of life) separated the femaleness from the maleness and completely isolated one from the other. The fate of the femaleness was the denial (k-) and the fate of the maleness however was the incorporation and stamping the character (k+) of a Don Juan into the ego. Thus developed a male ego with the compulsive state of a Don Juan . His compulsive behavior is precisely that he must chase after all women. Something that he was not able to stop. As this Don Juan compulsion then became too disgusting, he had to repress completely the pair of opposites “man – woman”; then there arose an uncomfortable emptiness in his life, which forced him to seek a fate psychologist for advice. Only in his fate analysis were his history and the origin of his familial negation experienced again, and he began to sublimate his strong polygamous instincts in favor of a monogamous attitude. He said to me after the analysis: “For this reason I also up to now through the attitude of my wife have not let myself slide into unfaithfulness and avoided possible opportunities and did not use the given possibilities. This however was not from loyalty to the wife but from loyalty to myself, to which, I regarded as my internal task. This manner of living led me, as is understandable, to a strong internal state of tension, which lasted as long as the sublimation of the sexual forces only partly and respectably occasionally succeeded.” This was the situation after one year of the fate analysis. How severe however this renouncement of the polygamous attitude is for our testee was clearly indicated by the following symptom, for which he sought me out at last: Since he completely extracted himself from the polygamous attitude, he has had an outbreak on his palms.



We must naturally interpret this outbreak, which appeared on the groping palms that were precisely the tools of the tenderness relationship, as a hysteria conversion defense from the temptation to touch a woman tenderly. He needs therefore still a defense mechanism, but no more against the homosexuality but against the polygamous attitude. The man defended for the time being thus against the homosexuality by the polygamous attitude and then against the polygamous attitude by the outbreak on the palms. We hope that he will be able also to do without this kind of defense in the course of time. Otherwise, then we must be reasonable and both be content with a significant but harmless symptom, which he bears easily, in place of the dangerous symptom of being a Don Juan. An analyst must constantly be modest precisely because a psychoanalysis is never a “godly” perfection but constantly only an all-too-human incompleteness and inadequacy.

*

One can make to us the following objection:       Why do we speak here of a familial denial and not of a personal nature? Both testees have indeed experienced personally a sick brother. The answer reveals itself from the analysis of the compulsive fate in the partner choices. With the psychiatrist, the family is full of paranoids. Our Don Juan married his cousin, who is however bisexual. Their same sexual love objects are older and eventually sick women.

Fate psychologically this marriage with this masculine-inverted cousin is a substitute for the love of the passive homosexual sick brother. The familial nature of the inversion is however not only confirmed in that the brother and cousin of the testees are inverted but also through the fact that the daughter, who sprung out of this "cousin cousin marriage," is also inverted. It is correct consequently in both cases to speak of a denial of the familial predisposition. The demand, which both testees denied, was precisely a hereditary predisposition of the family.

Familial negation has an inner relationship to the question of hereditary prognosis and consequently to the question of marriage classes.

(b) Genotropism Respectively Classified Marriage Classes and Familial Negation

In the preceding two cases it is striking that both men fell in love with a cousin. The psychiatrist, whose mother and brother were paranoid schizophrenics, fell in love with a cousin of second degree on the mother's side, whom he could not however marry because in the meantime she became a paranoid schizophrenic and committed suicide. The Don Juan had more luck: He married a cousin on the mother's side, who however was actually as inverted as his own brother. In both cases we must assume that the testee was himself a bearer, thus conductor, of the same hereditary predisposition his chosen cousin had. Fate analysis states: The partners in the marriage choice were gene related. The love originated through the process of genotropism.

The original love however applies in both cases, as this was confirmed clearly from the analysis of first the mother, next the brother and only then the cousin. The mother incest love and brother incest love became transferred thus to a gene related woman and to the cousin.

In the first book of fate analysis [Schicksalsanalyse], we have treated in detail the relationship between incest and genotropism (in Chapter VI).38 We show that in families in which there is a recessive hereditary illness, not only the frequency of marriages between blood relations, in first place being the "cousin-cousin marriage," but also that of rape cases that are committed on blood relations as also being that of an incestuous love binding. We have verified these statements with a succession of corresponding examples. Particularly interesting is Case No. 22 in which a fraternal twin pair produced children and lived together.39 Then Case No. 23, in which a young man fell in love with a girl who was his own not-recognized half sister.40 In this case the experience of living together with the beloved partner in childhood is absent completely.

Incest love can occur thus without any dependence on any early experience but purely on the basis of gene relationship and of genotropism.

We developed in the first book Schicksalsanalyse the following hereditary rule: The daughter takes mostly after the grandmother on the father’s side or a sister of the father. The son on the other hand quite often takes after the grandfather on the mother's side or a brother of the mother. The father is thus the primary bearer, the conductor, of the dynamic gene stock of his mother's line and indeed the transmission succeeds most strongly with the daughter. The mother transmits her father's line most strongly to the son. She is the conductor of the dynamic father’s hereditary treasures. Consequently the hidden dynamic genetic strivings of the father goes most frequently to the daughter; that of the mother over to the son. The following diagram will represent this "transmission" schematically.

[Mann = man; Frau = woman; Tochter = daughter; Schwiegersohn = son-in-law; Schwiegertochter = daughter-in-law; Sohn = son]

Fig. 7. Diagram of the Gene Relationship Between Father and Daughter and Between Mother and Son

Explanation of the diagram:

I. The man (No. 1) bears his mother (2) in his gene stock of the familial unconscious. On the basis of this ancestry form of the mother, to whom he was bound incestuously, he seeks himself his woman (3) who is gene related to his mother (2).

II. The woman (3) is the transmitter, the conductor, of her father’s hereditary stock (4). On the basis of the father’s form in her familial unconscious she chooses the man (1), who is gene related to her father (4) and thus is gene related with her (3).

III. The daughter (5) bares her own father in herself, who has begat actually in the daughter his own mother (2), whom he bears within himself. Daughter and father are consequently -- through the mother of the father -- genotropically related. Therefore the incest love between father and daughter.

IV. The son (6) bears his own mother (3) in himself, who in the son has brought into the world her own father (4), whom she bears in herself. Son and mother are therefore -- through the father of the mother -- gene related. Therefore the incest love between mother and son.

V. The daughter later abandons the incestuous father binding and chooses herself a "strange" man, 7 (1), who however is chosen on the basis of the father image (1) – thus again on the basis of gene relationship. This strange man (7) must bear in himself his mother, who is again gene related with the mother of the father-in-law (2 in 1) and with the choosing woman (5).

VI. The son (6) marries after the separation from the mother (3), to whom he was bound incestuously, a "strange" woman, No. 8 (3), whom he has, however, chosen on the basis of his mother's image, and indeed as a substitute for the not permitted incest love for the mother. His chosen woman (8) is gene related with the man (3 in 6) , whom she has chosen on the basis of her father, whom she bears in herself. This father however must be gene related with her man (6) and with her grandfather on the mother’s side (4), who is gene related to her man. With the children out of this marriage (5-7 and 6-8), the same process is repeated as in the marriage (1-3).

This is the rule in partner choice.

Where it acts in reverse and the strongest binding and mutual support occur in the marriage choice on the basis of the relationship between father and son and respectively mother and daughter, then a narrow gene relationship manifests itself between the parents and the children in a quite specific hereditary characteristics, thus, most frequently, on paranoid and homosexual traits. On the basis of this very extensive investigation we come to the following conclusions:

I. Each love bears in the Freudian sense the character of "incest love."

II. Incest love is constantly a genotropic original intra-familial attraction. It is only a particular case of genotropism taking place between father and daughter and mother and son. Bio-psychologically each love however is a "love for the same gene and thus gene love," a projective participation, a being one, the same, and related through the same gene and through the "gene relationship."

III. We distinguish a narrow and endogamy familial form and a wider and extra-familial exogamy form of genotropism. The endogamy and intra-familial genotropism corresponds to incest love and is strictly forbidden by the incest barrier (love between mother and son, between father and daughter, and between brother and sister). The extra-familial form of genotropism on the other hand corresponds to the most frequent form of the so-called exogamy marriage classes. It plays in our culture the same role as the tolerated "classified" relationship marriages with primitives.

IV. Marriage classes in our culture rest consequently on the rules of exogamy extra-familial genotropism. Marriage classes are seen from the biological point of view: Classes of distant gene relationships. The exogamy marriage classes of the gene related replace in our culture the endogamy incest of old cultures (with the Egyptians, Persians, Peruvians). Incest marriages are indeed also marriages between gene related and only in the realm of one's own family.

V. We divide the exogamy and genotropic marriage classes into three groups. This group division rests on the strength of the sameness and respectively the kinship of that gene, which is responsible for the libido-tropic attraction.

A. The homogeneous marriage classes are those in which the partner conductors are of the same gene and respectively the same gene group. On the basis of the drive system we distinguish eight different factorial homogeneous marriage classes:

1. h marriage class: Both partners are conductors of the predisposition to hermaphroditism and respectively to homosexual inversion.

2. s marriage class: Both partners are conductors of the sadomasochistic perversion predisposition.

3. e marriage class: Both partners are conductors of the epileptic form predisposition (epilepsy, migraine, stuttering, asthma, glaucoma41, allergies, vessel-cramp [vaso-neurosis]; further epileptic form psychisms such as pyromania, kleptomania, dipsomania, running mania [Poriomania], killing mania [Thanatomanie], enuresis, left-handedness).

4. hy marriage class: Both partners are hysteria conductors.

5. k marriage class: Both partners are conductors of the catatonic forms of predisposition.

6. p marriage class: Both partners are conductors of the paranoia predisposition.

7. d marriage class: Both partners are conductors of the predisposition to depression and melancholia.

8. m marriage class: Both partners are conductors of the predisposition to mania and to lack of inhibitions.

B. Intra-vector genotropic marriage class.

1. h-s marriage class: One partner is h conductor; the other partner is s conductor.

2. e-hy marriage class: The one is e conductor; the other hy conductor.

3. k-p marriage class: One is a k conductor; the other p conductor.

4. d-m marriage class: One is a d conductor and the other m conductor.

C. Extra-factorial genotropism marriage class:

We can state that between the following extra-vector conductors a genotropic attraction is quite often present:

1. h-m marriage class: the one partner is an h conductor; the other an m conductor.

2. s-d marriage class: The one is s conductor and the other d conductor.

3. e-p marriage class: The one is e conductor and the other p conductor. This form of concluding a marriage is relatively more frequent than the three others in group C.

4. hy-k marriage group: One partner is hy conductor; the other k conductor.

We have observed the strongest degree of libido-tropism with the homogeneous and the weakest with the extra-vector marriage classes. The homogeneous marriage class stands the closest to incest love. The intra-vector marriage class often gives the impression of a complete marriage.

It will be the task of future investigators to determine:

(a) Which form of marriage class is relatively the most harmonious and happy?

(b) With which marriage classes are separation and divorce the most frequent?

(c) Which marriage is the most fruitful?

(d) Which is psychologically the healthiest and hereditary prognostically the most favorable?

After all these questions have once been exactly cleared up, we can then pronounce a judgment on the question: When is a familial denial regarding marriage and love relationship justified and when not?

*

In the definition of familial negation, we have emphasized that here the person himself consciously rebels against the working of genotropism and in particular against libido-tropism. He denies, for example, a love relationship because he as a conductor of a definite familial predisposition and will not get involved with a partner in love and marriage, since the person descends from a family that possesses the same hereditary illness as in his own family. The resistance against the genotropism in marriage stems most frequently from the side of the family than from that of persons who feel themselves drawn to one another genotropically. In this case one can say: The ego of the family, thus the "familial ego," denies a marriage that on the basis of familial strivings -- in the sense of genotropism -- wants to come about.

The familial negation of marriage, the marriage taboo, is expressed mostly on the basis of the hereditary prognosis of the descendents. In our current society, there is thus next to a social and a financial status rule also a hereditary prognostic guiding rule for marriage that is thus developed precisely on a definite exogamy as in the case with primitives. The decisive difference between the two exogamy rules is seen in that the buildup of the relationship spheres is different with primitives than with us. Consequently, the marriage rules are also different. This circumstance can not hold us back from raising the question whether the same authority of hereditary hygiene is still decisive with both the primitives and cultured people in the forbidding of definite marriages.

We may answer only correctly this question when we investigate the exogamy rules of primitives not with our eyes but on the basis of the principles of their "own genetics." We must examine their marriage rules and "incest taboos" on the basis of the primitive’s view of propagation theory. The marriage classes of primitives are best known in the case of the Melanesian tribes. We follow here literally the statements of Malinowski on the Trobrianders, since these statements were confirmed also with other primitive peoples.

“The totem organization of the natives is simple and symmetrical in its main lines. Mankind is divided in four clans (kumila). According to the opinion of the natives the special kind of totem for each particular clan is just as unalterably innate as sex, skin color and build. The totem cannot be changed; it goes beyond the individual life, because it is passed to the other world and is brought back unchanged again to this world when the spirit returns by reincarnation. This fourfold totem organization applies, according to the opinion of the Trobriander, to the whole world and covers all groups of mankind. If a European comes on the Trobriand island, then the natives ask him quite simply and trustingly to which of the four classes does he belong, and it is not very easily explained to the most intelligent one among them that this fourfold totem division organization does not apply to the whole world and is not rooted in human nature. The natives of the neighboring areas, where there are more than four clans, are inserted constantly into the fourfold pattern without difficulties, by dividing everyone of the four Trobriander clans into several foreign clans. For this classification of smaller groups under larger ones is a model in the Trobriander culture, because each of the larger totem clans covers smaller groups, so-called dala or sub-clans, as we wish to call it.”

“The sub-clans are at least as important as the clans, because the members of the same sub-clans are actually blood related, from the same rank and form the local unit of the Trobriander society. Each local village community consists only of people who belong to only one sub-clan; they have common claims to the land of the village, to the surrounding garden lands, and to a number of local privileges. Large villages consist of several local units, but each unit has its connected land in the village and adjacent a large piece of garden land. There are even different terms in order to designate affiliation to a sub-clan and affiliation to the clan. People of the same sub-clan are actual relatives and call each other veyogu, my blood relation. For a member of the same clans, who belongs however to another sub-clan, this term is used only superficially and figuratively; on closer questioning one receives the answer that such a man is only pseudo-related: It becomes with more reflection the derogatory term kakaveyogu (my false relative).” 42

For high rank, in particular however for the blood relationship, sub-clan is more importantly than the clan. The clan is actually a social category and plays nevertheless a role in the question of incest taboos. On the basis of the statements of the natives Malinowski gives the following insights on blood shame and exogamy:

“Exogamy is for the natives an absolute taboo, both which concern marriage and sexual intercourse; a breaking of the rules meets with the strongest moral disapproval, which kindles the anger of the community against the wrong doers and which with the discovery of their offenses drives them to suicide. There is also a supernatural means of punishment, a terrible illness that can lead to death. Consequently exogamy is strictly observed; trespass never happens.”43

These statements describe however -- as Malinowski stresses -- only the “moral ideal”; real behavior deviates far from it. The breach of exogamy within the clan with the “false relatives,” the so-called “kakaveyola,” occurs everywhere.

The actual rule reads: “Marriage within the clans -- differing from love relation -- is considered as a serious offense against the rule.”44 “More strictly are observed the rules of exogamy, if the two partners belong not only to the same clan but also to the same sub-clan (dala).”45 Because these are genuine relatives (veyola mokita). Marriage among members of the same sub-clan is completely impossible, and also the sexual relationship is much more strictly defended against by blood shame. “Still more strictly the rules apply to genealogical provable relationship. Blood shame with the daughter of the sister of the mother is a disgusting crime that can lead even to the suicide.”46 The Trobriander calls this manner of blood shame “suvasova.” It is the highest taboo. (See on this the taboo listed in the section: “Collective Negation.”)

Now one must distinguish two kinds of relationship with the primitives. First the “individual” blood relationship, which is itself only on the female line within the family community and which refers to the closest individual family. Thus: Blood relationship between mother and child and between brother and sister. The relationship with the grandmother goes already beyond this close family relationship. The second is the so-called “classified” relationship. With this family relation the relationship is not considered between two individuals but between an individual and a group (clan and sub-clan). Certain terms for the relationship -- like mother, sister, brother, father, which actually refer with us only to the close individual family members – is used in “classifying” relationship system of primitives (L. H. Morgan) outside of the family circle. Some examples according to Malinowski illuminate the manner of classified relation: The word



1. Tabu(gu)47 designates grandparents; the grandchild (grandchildren); the sister of the father, the daughter of the sister of the father.



2. Ina(gu): as individual blood relationship means: Mother, sister of the mother; as classified relationship: Women from the clan of the mother.

3. Tama(gu): As individual relationship the word refers to father, brother of the father; son of the sister of the father; in the classified sense: Men from the clan of the father.



4. Kada(gu): Brother of the mother and reciprocally; son of the sister and daughter of the sister.



5. Lu(gu) ta: In the individual sense of relationship: Sister (if a man speaks it); in the sense of the classified relationship: Woman from the same clan and the same generation (if a man speaks it); Man from the same clan and the same generation (if a woman speaks it), etc.48



That thus means: The child calls not only its own mother inagu (my mother), but also the sister of the mother (thus the aunt on the maternal side), even all women from the clan of the mother, only the word received – suiting the distance -- a different feeling stress. And a girl does not only call her father tama(gu) (mine = gu, father = tama) but also the brother of the father and even all men from the clan of the father. One can speak thus of relatives of first and second order, and with the distance both the intimacy and the severity of the taboo decreases very rapidly.


++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
With the Trobrianders and in general with the primitives there is a dichotomy, a division into two parts of the women to a group “lawfully forbidden” and to another of “permitted” women. The word luguta designates the branch of the “lawfully forbidden”; the other word tabugu, the branch of the “lawfully permitted” women.



The “sister taboo,” the luguta prohibition, is the highest taboo, “suvasova,” in the context of individual relationship. Thus sexual intercourse with the sister, with the sister of the mother, and daughter of the sister of the mother is: Luguta taboo. The taboo “luguta” becomes however always more moderate in degree as the sister group (luguta) is expanded to relationship of a second order. One’s own sister is the prototype of the incest taboo. Malinowski reports: “Blood shame with a cousin on the mother’s side of first degree is probably considered as wrong but not as terrible, yet it is daring and dangerous, but not worthy of abhorrence,”49 With relatives of “second order,” the severity of the prohibition continues to decrease. If a boy and a girl have a common great-grandmother in the maternal line for example, then the taboo is much weaker, although they are “luguta,” thus in the same sister stock. It is similar with the “mother taboo” and with the Ina-gu incest prohibition.



The group of the “lawfully permitted women” is called: Tabugu. In the closer family circle the word (beside grandparents and grandchildren respectively granddaughter) means the sister of the father and then the daughter of the sister of the father. Tabugu is a counterpart to “luguta” -- as we already discussed. Malinowski writes: “The sister of the father is the prototype of the lawfully permitted, even sexually recommended woman -- that which it is called in the theory of the natives because in reality she takes the place of his daughter.”50



For our genetics the incomprehensible consists thus in the fact that the young man can marry the cousin on the paternal side – they are with sexual intercourse and the marriage the most suitable partners -- however sexual intercourse with the cousin on the maternal side is blood shame (see Fig. 8).

M = Malasi -Clan

L   = Lukuba-Clan

Lk = Lukwasisiga-Clan

Lb = Lukulabuta -Clan

(8-9). the desired and permitted marriage

(7-10) . the not desired marriage

(10-11). Incest

Fig. 8. Schema of the Permitted and Forbidden Marriages

(Respectively Sexual Intercourse) with the Primitives

in Northwest Melanesia (according to B. Malinowski)



In order to understand the nature of this marriage organization, we must use the “genetics” of the primitives and not ours. The genetics of the primitives is based upon the unawareness of the physiological paternity. We stressed already that according to their interpretation the father in no way contributes to the birth of the child. They believe in a mystic generation. They believe in reincarnation. If a man dies, then his spirit travels according to Tuma, the island of the dead, where he continues to live happily. If then a spirit of continuing luck is tired of rejuvenation, then he becomes a small and still unborn child, a “spirit baby.” As such he goes back to the island of Trobriand and crawls into the lap of any woman of the same clan and sub-clans. Thus the Trobriander woman becomes pregnant with a spirit baby. Her man does not have anything at all to do with the reproduction. With this interpretation, naturally the mother right receives a good theoretical basis. Also different Australia researchers, like Spencer and Gillen, report that in the opinion of the Aranda, the act of reproduction only causes the preparation and the opening of the female uterus for the admission of the life embryo (ratapa). This interpretation is all the more amazingly, as these tribes probably know the connection between mating and descendants with animals.51

We will now examine on the basis of this “fatherless” and one-sided genealogy of “hereditary conditions” by the primitives regarding their incest taboos and marriage rules.



Fig. 8 presents a family tree, in which we indicate the permitted and forbidden marriages (respectively sexual intercourse) of the primitives. Since the father according to their genealogy does not play a role in reproduction and thus not in the heredity, we must indicate the genotype solely on the basis of the mother and with the letters of their clans.



We proceed from the brothers and the sisters stock, which consists of a man (No. 1) and of two women (2 - 3). The mother (No. I) of this brother and sisters stock belongs to the Malasi clan (M). Thus their three children are also members of the Malasi clans (M). We know that, according to the opinion of the natives, the clan membership: 1. is native; 2. is unalterable; 3. is passed on the maternal side to the children; 4. and is passed even onto the other world and from the reincarnated spirit that is brought back again into this world.

The totem clan line inherits itself through the mother (female), that is, sex connected. Its nature works like the “gene” of modern genetics. In this sense we indicated this marks the clan membership of the individual person as a “genotype.” Now we examine genealogy of the forbidden and permitted marriages according to the primitives’ rules and in the light of the primitives’ one-sided and purely matriarchal genealogy. (Table 3).



The insights from this explanation are the following:



1. From the viewpoint of the primitives’ genealogy, according to which the father does not play a role in the generation and gene relationship is only possible on the mother’s side, the marriage rules have the same meaning as in our culture.

2. All marriage rules aim at excluding closer gene relative lines from ending in marriage. Incest also is only with the primitives, where, according to their genealogy, is present a clan-gene relationship.



3. The son of the brother may marry therefore the daughter of the sister, because this son belongs to the clan of his mother and not to that of his father. Although the father (1 M) of the young man (8 L) belongs to the same clan M as the mother belongs to (2 M) of the cousin (9 M), they are not according to the primitives’ genealogy blood relatives, we say not gene relatives, since there the cousin (8 L) inherits the clan line (L) of his mother (4 L) and not from his father (1 M). The marriage is the desired cross cousins marriage.



4. There are certain unwanted marriages and sexual intercourse, even if -- according to the genealogy of the primitives -- no blood shame is present, but the partners by the expansion of the concepts of relationships of the sister (luguta) and the father (tama) nevertheless feel as if related. Thus the connection between father and daughter or between cousins on the maternal side.

Table 3. The Permitted and Forbidden Marriages with the Trobrianders According to Malinowski

Partnership

Between
Degree of Relationship
Evaluation of the Connection

I -1

1-2

1-3

II-2
Mother-son (M-M)

Brother-sister (M-M)

Brother-sister (M-M)

Father-daughter (L-M)

These, according to the genealogy of primitives, are not

related, since the daughter belongs to the clan of

the mother (M). The father belongs to a foreign clan, the Lukuba (L).
Suvasova: highest taboo incest; Inagu

Suvasova, Luguta

Suvasova, Luguta

No incest. Marriage however is not permitted, also sexual intercourse

is “very bad, because he has already married her mother; already he has received the first marriage gift.” (Malinowski, p. 380). This nevertheless occurs however.

1-4

2-5

3-6

Man from clan M and

Woman from clan L (M-L)

(M-LK)

(M-Lb)
Permitted marriage; the partners are not

related.

Permitted marriage; the partners are not

related.

Permitted marriage; the partners are not

related.

8-9
The son marries the cousin

on the father’s side, thus the daughter of the sister of the father (L-M)
Very desired “tabugu” marriage. The

man belongs to the L-clan, thus to

the mother; the cousin belongs to the clan

M, thus to the mother. (A binding with the uncle on the maternal side [1 M] would be however incest, since he also belongs to the same clan.)

7-10
The son (10 M) will marry the daughter of the uncle on the maternal side (7 L)

(M-L)
No incest formed. The marriage and the

sexual intercourse with the cousin, the

son of the sister of the father, is not

forbidden directly and does not become however gladly viewed, because the woman (7 L) stands also with the man (10 M) in a tama, father relationship.

10-11
Relationship between cousin

(10 M) and cousin on the maternal side and indeed

between son and daughter of the two sisters.
Incest because the sister of the mother is

also mother (inagu) of their daughter

(11 M) and “sister” of the young man

(luguta); they have the same grandmother of the mother’s line. It is thus a

Luguta taboo.

5. The “clan relationship” -- exactly as with us is the “gene relationship” -- with the primitives is weakened as an “incest barrier” to the degree as the distance from the narrow individual family circle to the further classified relationship circle is extended. The “incest prohibition” with the primitives is exactly thus relative to the gene incest love in our culture.



6. We assume that with the primitives the same -- conscious or unconscious -- hereditary hygiene for the marriage rules was just as decisive as with us. The difference in the marriage rules is conditioned only by the difference between the matriarchal and one-sided genealogy of the primitives and our bilateral (matriarchal and patriarchal) genealogy. The leading motive is the same with both cultures: the protection against the marriages of those closely gene related -- probably for hygienic hereditary reasons.

*

The denial of genotropism between humans who belong to the same narrow family and, on the other hand, the furtherance of genotropic marriage through the biological attraction of the partners is the most human and continually present ambivalence of human kind. This original ambivalence in love one can rule only with compulsion -- exactly as in the case with the compulsive neurotic. Compulsion means however the synonymous affirmation and denial of a familial inherited striving pair. This circumstance grants an extraordinary power to familial negation in the ego life of the individual and in society.

***

END NOTES

1SZONDI, L.: Experimentelle Triebdiagnostik [Experimental Drive Diagnostics]. Huber, Bern 1947. p. 262. Psychodiagnostische Tabelle IV.

2 F. SOTO YARRITU: El destino humano como problema cientifico. Nuestros Resultados con la prueba de Szondi. Diputación Foral de Navarra. Institución principe de Viana. 1952. p. 251, Tab. 40.

3 PERCY, E.: Das Triebleben der Buschneger in Äquatorialafrika [The Drive Life of the Shrub Negroes in Equatorial Africa]. Erscheint

später als Heft der Abhandlungen zur exp. Triebforschung und

Schicksalspsychologie [Later booklet of the papers appears as Experimental Drive Research and Fate Psychology]. Huber, Bern.

4 FREUD, S.: Die Verneinung. [Denial] Ges. Schr., Bd. XI, P. 4.

5 Ibid, p. 4.

6 Ibid, pp. 5/6.

7 Ibid, p. 7.

8 Vgl. hiezu die geschichtliche Zusammenfassung der Abwehrlehre [Compare this to the historical summary of the defense teachings].

9 Triebpathologie [Drive Pathology], Bd. I, p. 284, 345 f.

10 Näheres siehe im Kapitel [For details see the chapter]:

«Ich-Dialektik ».

11 ROHLEDER, H.: Die Zeugung unter Blutsverwandten [Begetting among Blood Relatives]. Bd. II d. Monographien über die Zeugung beim Menschen [Monograph on the Begetting among Humans]. G. Thieme, Leipzig 1912. p. 155 ff.

12 RANK, 0.: Das Inzestmotiv in Dichtung und Sage [The Incest Motif in Poetry and Saga]. F. Deuticke, Leipzig-Wien 1926.

13 JUNG, C. G.: a) Symbole der Wandlung [Symbols of Transformation]. Rascher, Zürich, 4. Aufl., 1952. b) Die Psychologie der Übertragung [The Psychology of Transference]. Rascher, Zürich 1946.

14 ROHLEDER: Zit. Arbeit [Cited work], p. 54.

15 Ibid., p. 73.

16 Ibid., p. 74.

17 Ibid., p. 77.

18 It is most noteworthy that the word taboo is ambiguously used also by the Melanesians. First of all it has the sense “forbidding.” Secondly the word taboo-gu means grandparents, grandchildren; Sister of the father, daughter of the sister of the father and, in a classification sense, expanded to all legally permitted women. (MALIN0WSKI: For more details see latter.)

19 FREUD, S.: Totem und Tabu. Ges. Sehr., Bd. X, p. 26 f.

20 Ibid., p. 27.

21 FREUD, S.: Totem und Tabu, Ges. Sehr., Bd. X, pp. 41/42.

22 MALINOWSKI, B.: Das Geschlechtsleben der Wilden [The Sexual Life of Savages]. Grethlein & Co., Leipzig. p. 381 ff.

23 Ibid., p. 383 f.

24 Ibid., p. 331.

25 Ibid., p. 3.

26 Ibid., p. 4.

27 "I believe each man could establish himself in the village community of his wife, if he wanted to gladly; but he would go himself through abasement and cheerfully gave up certain rights. A chief’s son however forms an exception due to his position in the village and his acquired rights.“ MALINOWSKI: p. 72.

28 MALIN0WSKI, B.: Das Geschlechtsleben der Wilden, pp. 71/72.

29 LAYARD, JOHN: a) Stone Men of Malekula. London 1942. b) The Inzest Taboo and the Virgin Archetype. Eranos-Jahrbuch, Bd. XII. Rhein-Verlag, Zurich 1945.

30 JUNG, C. G.: Symbole der Wandlung [Symbols of Transformation]. Rascher, Zürich, 4. Aufl. pp. 719/720.

31 The daughter of the aunt on the mother’s side cannot marry the man because of the incest!

32 MALINOWSKI: Zit. Arbeit [cited work], p. 75.

33 Ibid., p. 74.

34 LAYARD: The Incest-Taboo…, p. 284.

35 SZONDI, L.: Contributions to Fate Analysis. Analysis of Marriages. Acta Psychologica, 1937, Bd. III.

36 RILKE, RAINER MARIA: Die Aufzeichnungen des Malte Laurids Brigge [The Notebooks of Malte Laurids Brigge]. Insel-Verlag, Leipzig. p. 241 f.

37 SZONDI, L.: Triebpathologie, Bd. I, p. 139 f.

38 SZONDI, L.: Schicksalsanalyse, 2. Aufl., p. 148 ff.

39 Ibid., p. 150 ff.

40 Ibid., p. 152.

41 SALZMANN, U.: Schicksalspsychologie und Glaukom (grüner Star). Szondiana II. Huber, Bern und Stuttgart 1955. p. 129 ff.

42 MALINOWSKI, B.: Das Geschlechtsleben der Wilden, pp. 354/355.

43 Ibid., p. 361.

Szondi ego analysis denial repression Part 3 of 3.

2010-03-30T13:04:00.000-07:00

(Continued from Part 2.)
With the Trobrianders and in general with the primitives there is a dichotomy, a division into two parts of the women to a group “lawfully forbidden” and to another of “permitted” women. The word luguta designates the branch of the “lawfully forbidden”; the other word tabugu, the branch of the “lawfully permitted” women.



The “sister taboo,” the luguta prohibition, is the highest taboo, “suvasova,” in the context of individual relationship. Thus sexual intercourse with the sister, with the sister of the mother, and daughter of the sister of the mother is: Luguta taboo. The taboo “luguta” becomes however always more moderate in degree as the sister group (luguta) is expanded to relationship of a second order. One’s own sister is the prototype of the incest taboo. Malinowski reports: “Blood shame with a cousin on the mother’s side of first degree is probably considered as wrong but not as terrible, yet it is daring and dangerous, but not worthy of abhorrence,”49 With relatives of “second order,” the severity of the prohibition continues to decrease. If a boy and a girl have a common great-grandmother in the maternal line for example, then the taboo is much weaker, although they are “luguta,” thus in the same sister stock. It is similar with the “mother taboo” and with the Ina-gu incest prohibition.



The group of the “lawfully permitted women” is called: Tabugu. In the closer family circle the word (beside grandparents and grandchildren respectively granddaughter) means the sister of the father and then the daughter of the sister of the father. Tabugu is a counterpart to “luguta” -- as we already discussed. Malinowski writes: “The sister of the father is the prototype of the lawfully permitted, even sexually recommended woman -- that which it is called in the theory of the natives because in reality she takes the place of his daughter.”50



For our genetics the incomprehensible consists thus in the fact that the young man can marry the cousin on the paternal side – they are with sexual intercourse and the marriage the most suitable partners -- however sexual intercourse with the cousin on the maternal side is blood shame (see Fig. 8).

M = Malasi -Clan

L   = Lukuba-Clan

Lk = Lukwasisiga-Clan

Lb = Lukulabuta -Clan

(8-9). the desired and permitted marriage

(7-10) . the not desired marriage

(10-11). Incest

Fig. 8. Schema of the Permitted and Forbidden Marriages

(Respectively Sexual Intercourse) with the Primitives

in Northwest Melanesia (according to B. Malinowski)



In order to understand the nature of this marriage organization, we must use the “genetics” of the primitives and not ours. The genetics of the primitives is based upon the unawareness of the physiological paternity. We stressed already that according to their interpretation the father in no way contributes to the birth of the child. They believe in a mystic generation. They believe in reincarnation. If a man dies, then his spirit travels according to Tuma, the island of the dead, where he continues to live happily. If then a spirit of continuing luck is tired of rejuvenation, then he becomes a small and still unborn child, a “spirit baby.” As such he goes back to the island of Trobriand and crawls into the lap of any woman of the same clan and sub-clans. Thus the Trobriander woman becomes pregnant with a spirit baby. Her man does not have anything at all to do with the reproduction. With this interpretation, naturally the mother right receives a good theoretical basis. Also different Australia researchers, like Spencer and Gillen, report that in the opinion of the Aranda, the act of reproduction only causes the preparation and the opening of the female uterus for the admission of the life embryo (ratapa). This interpretation is all the more amazingly, as these tribes probably know the connection between mating and descendants with animals.51

We will now examine on the basis of this “fatherless” and one-sided genealogy of “hereditary conditions” by the primitives regarding their incest taboos and marriage rules.



Fig. 8 presents a family tree, in which we indicate the permitted and forbidden marriages (respectively sexual intercourse) of the primitives. Since the father according to their genealogy does not play a role in reproduction and thus not in the heredity, we must indicate the genotype solely on the basis of the mother and with the letters of their clans.



We proceed from the brothers and the sisters stock, which consists of a man (No. 1) and of two women (2 - 3). The mother (No. I) of this brother and sisters stock belongs to the Malasi clan (M). Thus their three children are also members of the Malasi clans (M). We know that, according to the opinion of the natives, the clan membership: 1. is native; 2. is unalterable; 3. is passed on the maternal side to the children; 4. and is passed even onto the other world and from the reincarnated spirit that is brought back again into this world.

The totem clan line inherits itself through the mother (female), that is, sex connected. Its nature works like the “gene” of modern genetics. In this sense we indicated this marks the clan membership of the individual person as a “genotype.” Now we examine genealogy of the forbidden and permitted marriages according to the primitives’ rules and in the light of the primitives’ one-sided and purely matriarchal genealogy. (Table 3).



The insights from this explanation are the following:



1. From the viewpoint of the primitives’ genealogy, according to which the father does not play a role in the generation and gene relationship is only possible on the mother’s side, the marriage rules have the same meaning as in our culture.

2. All marriage rules aim at excluding closer gene relative lines from ending in marriage. Incest also is only with the primitives, where, according to their genealogy, is present a clan-gene relationship.



3. The son of the brother may marry therefore the daughter of the sister, because this son belongs to the clan of his mother and not to that of his father. Although the father (1 M) of the young man (8 L) belongs to the same clan M as the mother belongs to (2 M) of the cousin (9 M), they are not according to the primitives’ genealogy blood relatives, we say not gene relatives, since there the cousin (8 L) inherits the clan line (L) of his mother (4 L) and not from his father (1 M). The marriage is the desired cross cousins marriage.



4. There are certain unwanted marriages and sexual intercourse, even if -- according to the genealogy of the primitives -- no blood shame is present, but the partners by the expansion of the concepts of relationships of the sister (luguta) and the father (tama) nevertheless feel as if related. Thus the connection between father and daughter or between cousins on the maternal side.

Table 3. The Permitted and Forbidden Marriages with the Trobrianders According to Malinowski

Partnership

Between
Degree of Relationship
Evaluation of the Connection

I -1

1-2

1-3

II-2
Mother-son (M-M)

Brother-sister (M-M)

Brother-sister (M-M)

Father-daughter (L-M)

These, according to the genealogy of primitives, are not

related, since the daughter belongs to the clan of

the mother (M). The father belongs to a foreign clan, the Lukuba (L).
Suvasova: highest taboo incest; Inagu

Suvasova, Luguta

Suvasova, Luguta

No incest. Marriage however is not permitted, also sexual intercourse

is “very bad, because he has already married her mother; already he has received the first marriage gift.” (Malinowski, p. 380). This nevertheless occurs however.

1-4

2-5

3-6

Man from clan M and

Woman from clan L (M-L)

(M-LK)

(M-Lb)
Permitted marriage; the partners are not

related.

Permitted marriage; the partners are not

related.

Permitted marriage; the partners are not

related.

8-9
The son marries the cousin

on the father’s side, thus the daughter of the sister of the father (L-M)
Very desired “tabugu” marriage. The

man belongs to the L-clan, thus to

the mother; the cousin belongs to the clan

M, thus to the mother. (A binding with the uncle on the maternal side [1 M] would be however incest, since he also belongs to the same clan.)

7-10
The son (10 M) will marry the daughter of the uncle on the maternal side (7 L)

(M-L)
No incest formed. The marriage and the

sexual intercourse with the cousin, the

son of the sister of the father, is not

forbidden directly and does not become however gladly viewed, because the woman (7 L) stands also with the man (10 M) in a tama, father relationship.

10-11
Relationship between cousin

(10 M) and cousin on the maternal side and indeed

between son and daughter of the two sisters.
Incest because the sister of the mother is

also mother (inagu) of their daughter

(11 M) and “sister” of the young man

(luguta); they have the same grandmother of the mother’s line. It is thus a

Luguta taboo.

5. The “clan relationship” -- exactly as with us is the “gene relationship” -- with the primitives is weakened as an “incest barrier” to the degree as the distance from the narrow individual family circle to the further classified relationship circle is extended. The “incest prohibition” with the primitives is exactly thus relative to the gene incest love in our culture.



6. We assume that with the primitives the same -- conscious or unconscious -- hereditary hygiene for the marriage rules was just as decisive as with us. The difference in the marriage rules is conditioned only by the difference between the matriarchal and one-sided genealogy of the primitives and our bilateral (matriarchal and patriarchal) genealogy. The leading motive is the same with both cultures: the protection against the marriages of those closely gene related -- probably for hygienic hereditary reasons.

*

The denial of genotropism between humans who belong to the same narrow family and, on the other hand, the furtherance of genotropic marriage through the biological attraction of the partners is the most human and continually present ambivalence of human kind. This original ambivalence in love one can rule only with compulsion -- exactly as in the case with the compulsive neurotic. Compulsion means however the synonymous affirmation and denial of a familial inherited striving pair. This circumstance grants an extraordinary power to familial negation in the ego life of the individual and in society.

***

END NOTES

1SZONDI, L.: Experimentelle Triebdiagnostik [Experimental Drive Diagnostics]. Huber, Bern 1947. p. 262. Psychodiagnostische Tabelle IV.

2 F. SOTO YARRITU: El destino humano como problema cientifico. Nuestros Resultados con la prueba de Szondi. Diputación Foral de Navarra. Institución principe de Viana. 1952. p. 251, Tab. 40.

3 PERCY, E.: Das Triebleben der Buschneger in Äquatorialafrika [The Drive Life of the Shrub Negroes in Equatorial Africa]. Erscheint

später als Heft der Abhandlungen zur exp. Triebforschung und

Schicksalspsychologie [Later booklet of the papers appears as Experimental Drive Research and Fate Psychology]. Huber, Bern.

4 FREUD, S.: Die Verneinung. [Denial] Ges. Schr., Bd. XI, P. 4.

5 Ibid, p. 4.

6 Ibid, pp. 5/6.

7 Ibid, p. 7.

8 Vgl. hiezu die geschichtliche Zusammenfassung der Abwehrlehre [Compare this to the historical summary of the defense teachings].

9 Triebpathologie [Drive Pathology], Bd. I, p. 284, 345 f.

10 Näheres siehe im Kapitel [For details see the chapter]:

«Ich-Dialektik ».

11 ROHLEDER, H.: Die Zeugung unter Blutsverwandten [Begetting among Blood Relatives]. Bd. II d. Monographien über die Zeugung beim Menschen [Monograph on the Begetting among Humans]. G. Thieme, Leipzig 1912. p. 155 ff.

12 RANK, 0.: Das Inzestmotiv in Dichtung und Sage [The Incest Motif in Poetry and Saga]. F. Deuticke, Leipzig-Wien 1926.

13 JUNG, C. G.: a) Symbole der Wandlung [Symbols of Transformation]. Rascher, Zürich, 4. Aufl., 1952. b) Die Psychologie der Übertragung [The Psychology of Transference]. Rascher, Zürich 1946.

14 ROHLEDER: Zit. Arbeit [Cited work], p. 54.

15 Ibid., p. 73.

16 Ibid., p. 74.

17 Ibid., p. 77.

18 It is most noteworthy that the word taboo is ambiguously used also by the Melanesians. First of all it has the sense “forbidding.” Secondly the word taboo-gu means grandparents, grandchildren; Sister of the father, daughter of the sister of the father and, in a classification sense, expanded to all legally permitted women. (MALIN0WSKI: For more details see latter.)

19 FREUD, S.: Totem und Tabu. Ges. Sehr., Bd. X, p. 26 f.

20 Ibid., p. 27.

21 FREUD, S.: Totem und Tabu, Ges. Sehr., Bd. X, pp. 41/42.

22 MALINOWSKI, B.: Das Geschlechtsleben der Wilden [The Sexual Life of Savages]. Grethlein & Co., Leipzig. p. 381 ff.

23 Ibid., p. 383 f.

24 Ibid., p. 331.

25 Ibid., p. 3.

26 Ibid., p. 4.

27 "I believe each man could establish himself in the village community of his wife, if he wanted to gladly; but he would go himself through abasement and cheerfully gave up certain rights. A chief’s son however forms an exception due to his position in the village and his acquired rights.“ MALINOWSKI: p. 72.

28 MALIN0WSKI, B.: Das Geschlechtsleben der Wilden, pp. 71/72.

29 LAYARD, JOHN: a) Stone Men of Malekula. London 1942. b) The Inzest Taboo and the Virgin Archetype. Eranos-Jahrbuch, Bd. XII. Rhein-Verlag, Zurich 1945.

30 JUNG, C. G.: Symbole der Wandlung [Symbols of Transformation]. Rascher, Zürich, 4. Aufl. pp. 719/720.

31 The daughter of the aunt on the mother’s side cannot marry the man because of the incest!

32 MALINOWSKI: Zit. Arbeit [cited work], p. 75.

33 Ibid., p. 74.

34 LAYARD: The Incest-Taboo…, p. 284.

35 SZONDI, L.: Contributions to Fate Analysis. Analysis of Marriages. Acta Psychologica, 1937, Bd. III.

36 RILKE, RAINER MARIA: Die Aufzeichnungen des Malte Laurids Brigge [The Notebooks of Malte Laurids Brigge]. Insel-Verlag, Leipzig. p. 241 f.

37 SZONDI, L.: Triebpathologie, Bd. I, p. 139 f.

38 SZONDI, L.: Schicksalsanalyse, 2. Aufl., p. 148 ff.

39 Ibid., p. 150 ff.

40 Ibid., p. 152.

41 SALZMANN, U.: Schicksalspsychologie und Glaukom (grüner Star). Szondiana II. Huber, Bern und Stuttgart 1955. p. 129 ff.

42 MALINOWSKI, B.: Das Geschlechtsleben der Wilden, pp. 354/355.

43 Ibid., p. 361.

44 Ibid., p. 366.

45 Ibid., p. 367.

46 Ibid., p. 367.

47 The part “gu” means: “mine.” It is mostly attached to the root. Inagu = my mother; tamagu = my father. Often the part becomes inserted: lu - gu - ta = my sister. MALINOWSKI: Zit. Arbeit, p. 371.

48 MALIN0WSKI: Zit. Arbeit, p. 368 ff.

L. Szondi ego analysis denial repression Part 3 of 3.

L. Szondi Functions of the Ego, Inflation/Doubling

2010-03-29T20:22:00.000-07:00

From
Lipot Szondi, Ich-Analyse [Ego Analysis Inflation]-
Translated by By Arthur C. Johnston, PhD
© 2008
Please Observe: The copyright of this article (in German or in English) belongs to the Szondi Institute and to Dr. Arthur C. Johnston. This means you may not duplicate this article without their permissions.
[DIV IV]
[Book Chapter XII]
Inflation. Doubling and Possession*
[*Editor: Also Obsession: both from Besessenheit].
Conception and Forms of Inflation
One can understand an elementary ego function correctly only if one first has settled two basic questions. First of all: How does the ego with this function solve the problem of mental opposite structures? Secondly: Which final goal is set up by the ego with this manner of solution?
With primordial projection, i.e. with participation, the ego solves the oppositeness by the means that it transfers out [hinausverlegt] both parts of the pair of opposites into the outer object (total projection).
Through this separation the outer object becomes “both.” -- that is, everything and consequently omnipotent. The subject becomes therefore not completely powerless because through the mystic or real participation, it has obtained an indirect part in the out-shifted omnipotence. Therefore, we say that the ego with primordial projection strives after being related, being the same and being one with the object. In this way, the ego succeeds in canceling the opposites and participates indirectly in the omnipotence of the outer objects. The ego becomes indirectly related to the omnipotence. This primitive original relation between the subject and the object is still possible with a primitive culture; it becomes intolerable in the long run however on a higher stage of culture. Internal development factors and outer social events disturb this paradise-like being one with the world and its objects in any form of a dual union. The subject is then compelled to draw back the double power of the opposites from the object. The ego is able to carry out this drawing back in two ways. The first way leads to inflation and to greatness delusion [megalomania]; the second is to secondary projection and to persecution delusion.
The first way of inflation is thus that the ego does not return the double power withdrawn from the outside to the unconscious but keeps it for itself. The result of this unconscious ego machination is that from now on the ego becomes itself both and thus is everything. We say: The ego doubles itself. C. G. Jung calls this doubling of the ego “psychic inflation.”
The word inflation means in general language usage “puffed up currency [money]” -- that is, the depreciation of gold and indeed through that the state means of accounting brings into circulation lots of currency without gold reserves. Something similar happens also with the doubling of the ego.
Psychic inflation should mean, according to C. G. Jung, the “puffing up of the person” -- that is to say, an expansion of the personality exceeding the individual boundaries through dissolution of the opposites.
Inflation is the original elementary striving of the ego to be both itself and to be everything itself. Briefly, after being complete [perfect] itself.
If however someone wants to carry out both fate possibilities of his own opposite structures in his own being, then he can only do it if he doubles his ego.
Inflation and ego doubling include the same mental process. In the doubled ego the opposites stand no longer arranged against each other but are set next to one another. Man and woman, humans and animal, lord and servant, emperor and subject, Christ and Antichrist, angel and devil, God and humans, and all other opposites basic pairs do not become separated any more through resistance, but by means of inflated doubling are placed side by side, as if here scarcely no contradiction existed between the opposites.
The solution of contrary opposites with inflation is thus that in which the ego does not feel any contradiction in the opposite pairs. The ego simply dissolves the antinomian and exempts itself through that of the laborious work of complementariness and wholeness. The inflative ego is consequently a dangerous and often a sick ego, since it is indeed incapable really to take up the task of the pontifex oppositorum (the bridge between opposites). We see in inflation also a defense mechanism of the ego. The danger threatening and defensive situation -- namely the tension of the opposites pushing out of the unconscious -- becomes conscious to the ego (p+). It can however not bear consciously these opposites as being different -- thus it simply dissolves the immanent contradiction. Henceforth the ego behaves as if it could be both.
Through the abolishment and the denial of the opposites structure of the unconscious, it becomes possible for the ego -- even in doubling -- to expand itself without limits and at the same time to be itself both and consequently to be everything.
*
Inflation follows thus historically after the process of primordial projection, participation. The restitution of the shifted-out double power of the pairs of opposites leads to doubling and to doubling of one’s own ego.
On the basis of psychopathology we assume that inflation represents the “natural” first consequence of the restitution of the double power to one's own ego.
On the Basis of Ego Analysis We Assume:
1. Primordial projection (thus participation), inflation and secondary projection are three successive phases of the same process, which we call uniformly ego expansion and ego diastole.
2. The term “ego diastole” is the generic term, which covers the two phases and forms of projection as well as inflation.
3. Ego diastole means in the ego theory of fate psychology [Schicksalspsychology] each striving of the ego to expand its internal boundaries and thus to make bearable the discomfort from the opposites structure.
(a) In participation – that is to say, with primordial projection, the double power of the opposites are shifted out of the unconscious into the outer object. Not the subject itself but the environmental object becomes both and everything and thus omnipotent. Here we speak of allodiastole [Greek allos = other; Greek diastole = expansion].
The ego however has nevertheless a part in this object made all powerful. It feels related, the same, and one with the object in that it participates in it in a mystic or a real form. Finally the ego -- through the participation and through the most intimate sharing with the other object -- has become in any case a partner of the omnipotence. Since the ego is related to the all powerful object, it feels itself also indirectly all powerful.
(b) Then a disturbance of the mystic or real dual union occurs. The double power is withdrawn from the object and given to its own ego. Through the restitution of the out-shifted double power the ego doubles itself. We speak now of an “inflation.” The ego strives “to be both itself” and “to be everything itself.” Briefly it becomes now directly perfect (greatness delusion). The ego in the phase of primordial projection was only indirectly -- through its relationship to the object -- omnipotent, thus the ego now has become directly omnipotent in the phase of inflation. This direct omnipotence of the ego we call autodiastole [Greek auto = self; Greek diastole = expansion]. It is however still more difficult for the ego to bear than the illusion of being one with the object made omnipotent by the primordial projection and thus by the participation.
(c) There appears the third phase of ego diastole: Secondary projection, with which the allodiastole now becomes completed. Only the object becomes all powerful through projection; the subject on the other hand becomes completely powerless. Despite this powerlessness, the ego nevertheless has a hidden feeling of its power: It becomes persecuted by the other person because it is “greater” than the persecutor. The person feels himself hated, harmed, and persecuted by the object made all powerful, precisely because he is powerful. Allodiastole without participation is called in psychiatry “persecution delusion.”
4. Ego diastole is consequently the essence of any expansion. It is the generic term, which includes together within it projection and inflation. We call the functional antipode of ego diastole ego contraction and ego systole. It strives towards the inner against the expansion of the ego. We will speak about this comprehensive term in our discussion of introjection and negation.
5. The clinical experience agrees most often with the above discussed process sequence of ego diastole. Differences are therefore possible for each individual case. Thus can be found cases where a paranoid after the participation love phase does not fall first into the inflative but immediately into the secondary projective persecuted phase and only after that becomes inflative -- that is, develops greatness delusion ideas. Thus, for example in the classic case of Schreber, whom Freud described.
On the other hand, however, it must be emphasized that the inflated and projective phases of the paranoid -- as well in the clinical and in the observations with the test -- quite often may alternate several times successively. This circumstance makes it difficult in the individual case to specify accurately if after the participating primary phase appears inflation or secondary projection as the first result of libido and power restoration.
*
We have up to this point discussed the psychological and ontogenetic relationship of ego inflation to ego projection.
Now we must still examine the relationship of the concept “inflation” to two other psychopathological concepts. These are: (1) possession [Besessenheit] and (2) ambitendency.
Inflation as Possession
By “possession” in psychopathology one understands the condition in which “the person appears to transform himself or herself into another person; voice and behavior, facial expression, and content of speech manifest another personality.”1
This change of the personality disappears again suddenly. Jaspers writes the following: “In the most narrow and real sense, however, one speaks of possession, when the ill person himself experiences that he is at the same time two essences and is performing with two egos and two completely heterogeneous ways of feeling.”2 To the condition of possession belongs, according to Jaspers, the experience of a strange and hallucinating personality, who speak to the ill person, and furthermore distant compulsive phenomenon and everything as feeling strange.
The possessed person gives up therefore the wholeness of the ego. With possession occurs an actual “doubling experience,” the splitting of one's own ego into two egos. With these two egos, two successions of mental processes and two different personalities develop themselves at the same time so that both stand as strangers to one another, that “both” experience in individual ways, and that both sides insist on feeling connections, which do not flow together with those of the other side; many times they stand opposite one another feeling strange.”3
The most well-known example of possession is always a condition in which a spirit, as demon and angel or devil and God, takes control of the man who is gripped by its possession.
It is not to be misunderstood that C. G. Jung actually called this condition of possession “psychic inflation” developed in his theory that this condition occurs through the dissolution of the opposite pair “the personal psyche and the collective psyche.”
Inflation as Ambitendency
Next to the designations “possession” and “psychic inflation,” there is in psychopathology still another term for this interesting condition, and indeed that of the expression “ambitendency” coined by Eugen Bleuler.
Under ambitendency, E. Bleuler understood the simultaneous presence of such opposite tendencies, which exclude one another in reality.
The patient wants, says E. Bleuler, at the same time to eat and not to eat. He is at the same time like all other men, but at the same time he is quite different than his fellow men. He is at the same time King and subject, Lord and servant, God and devil, Christ and Antichrist, man and woman, the gardener named Hans Muller and Napoleon or King of China. And so on.
Experimental ego analysis interprets all these so far "described" pure representative clinical pictures like possession, ambitendency, psychic inflation, and doubling of the person as illnesses of ego diastole, the ego function "p."
Inflation as a defense technique indeed is based on the function of ego diastole; it represents the prototype of a "p" defense mechanism.
*
We point to the well-known self description of Paters Surin from the work of Ideler as an example of the psychopathology of possession and ambitendency.4
So much about the general definition of inflation. Now we can turn to the discussion of the forms of inflation.
On the basis of the origins of inflation contents we distinguish -- similarly as with the projection process -- three forms of inflation: (1) personal, (2) collective, and (3) familial inflation.
1. Personal Inflation
Inflation is personal, when the doubling of the ego is being carried out through contents that have been previously repressed into the personal unconscious.
Although Freud has never used the term "inflation," he has still represented the process of personal inflation completely under "doubling" and "greatness delusion" in the case of Schreber.5
On the basis of this analysis we can reconstruct the stages of the soul with personal inflation as follows:
(a) The man fluctuates his whole life between heterosexual and homosexual feelings. Disillusionment and failure can drive him from one side to another.
(b) Psychic, however, and also somatic factors -- like the climacteric -- can lurk in the background with the woman as well as with the man and push the not-lived same sexual stirrings into the foreground. The ego however does resist and represses the homosexual strivings pushing into the foreground.
(c) Through the repression, the ego brings about libido detachment from a person, who is taboo to love because the person is of the same sexuality. Now the person seeks, first by means of projection to cancel the repression and to lead back the libido to the person abandoned by him. This can happen only in the well-known paranoid form. The person feels himself persecuted by the same sex person formerly loved by him. This consists of the negative ego diastolic p- phase of persecution delusions. Therein the first transformation consists of the homosexuality redeemed out of repression. Some persons remain perpetually in this phase of defense conflict against homosexuality.
There are however some who can establish a second transformation which then leads then to greatness delusions and to possession [Besessenheit], in a word, exactly to inflation. This phase in our nomenclature is the positive ego diastole p+ phase.
(d) As one of these transformations, Freud explains the following: The patient sets up the persecutor through a higher court. He no longer insults the earthly projection object that was first loved and then hated, for the object becomes an overly powerful greater cosmic court, for example the sun, God, and so forth. Everything happens now henceforth "on a world order scale."
In our everyday speech, this means that from the personal dual union is made a "cosmodal" union [union with the universe] through the ego diastole.6 Through the greatness delusion, the ego, according to Freud, is compensated: "Conflict and illness can stop."
Often the paranoid splits also his own ego into more persons, by which the one can be frequently a god-like court. Freud writes: "There is doubling of the same significant relationships, as Otto Rank has recognized in myth formations."7
"The cosmic relations were replaced, however, according to Freud, not through the collective psyche relations but through the personal and infantile relationship to the real father." The illusionary relationship to God, according to Freud, originates on the basis of the "father complex" through substitute formations and transferences.8
The doubling of the ego occurs consequently through the early infantile and until then repressed love and hate relationship to the father and indeed through the placing next to one another of the two egos, of one's own ego and of that of the God-father, or through the splitting of the soul into one's own ego and the God-father. The patient now becomes both. He doubles, consequently, his ego.
(e) Freud developed the theory that with the paranoid the libido withdrawn from the object strikes the ego and is employed for ego enlargement. Consequently, the stage of narcissism, well-known from the development of libido, is again reached in which one's own ego was one's own sexual object. "Because of this clinical statement, we assume" Freud writes further “that the paranoia brings with it a fixation in narcissism and, we state, that the regression from the sublimated homosexuality to narcissism gives the carrier the regression characteristic of paranoia."9
Freud still mentions here the old interpretation of school psychiatry of the origin of greatness delusions out of the persecution idea. This means: "The sick person who has been primarily struck by the delusion to be the object of the persecution on the part of the strongest powers feels the need himself to explain the persecution, and to do so on the assumption that he is himself a grand personality, worthy of such a persecution."10 What Freud may have added to the old interpretation on the basis of psychoanalysis was, until then, an invisible process, which was divided by him into the following steps:
(1) same sexual love for one of the parents,
(2) libido withdrawal through repression,
(3) driving back the libido to the beloved person or to its substitute figure through the help of projection,
(4) transformation of projection into doubling through splitting of the person into more ego existences of which one is a higher court (God).
*
Inflation uses, consequently, in these cases a personal coinage that is the object on which the personal repressed sexual wish is attached and may appear in consciousness as a particular ego existence next to one's own ego.
Thus the doubling through the dissolution of repression after the first projection phase occurs as the second transformation. We indicated that the sequence of projective and inflative phases can also be reversed.
*
On the question of the relationship between persecution and greatness delusion Freud remarks: "It remains not without significance for other parts of paranoia knowledge that an addition of greatness delusion is confirmed in most other forms of paranoia illness. We have the right to assume that megalomania is chiefly infantile and that it in the later development of society is sacrificed, as it becomes intensely repressed through no other influence than through an individual being powerfully seized when falling in love."11
Falling in love is however again only an ego diastolic ego stage, and indeed the condition of mystic participation, the being one of the subject with the object.
The infantile and all-human greatness delusion -- as a particular phase of ego diastolic processes -- is consequently quasi "healed" through a "regression" to the first, original stage of ego diastole of the participative primordial projection stage of being one with the object through falling in love.
It is to be regretted that the dangerous inflations and greatness delusions particularly in those that reached this level could not be cured by means of falling in love, and these thus become the most tragic chapters in the history of mankind.
2. Collective Inflation
Collective is each form of inflation by which the doubling of the ego occurs through the collective unconscious and not through the personal repressed contents of the unconscious. The most important trait of the collective psyche is: The allness [Allheit]. It expresses itself in omnipresence, all responsibility, all guilt, etc. The simplest form in which this inflative allness manifests itself is the double being and the simultaneous presence in two or more places, thus the "double presence" (bi-présence according to Lévy-Bruhl) or the multi presence. We find this manner of inflation both in the thinking of primitives and also in that of the different forms of paranoia.
(a) The Idea of Doubling in the Thinking of Primitives
[1] Doubling of Man and Animal
The following report comes from Nelson about the Eskimos of the Bering Straits: “One believes that once all organisms led a double existence and by its own will could appear as either human or animal in its current shape…. ” 12
Here we find the prototype of collective inflation in form of a legend. The double being becomes the werewolf (Lycanthropy) with the Naga (in the northeast India), with the Toradjas on Celebes, the leopard men, and panther men in areas spread out in west Africa between Sierra Leone and the Congo and in earlier times in the 16th Century with the Indians of Peru, and furthermore attributed to sorcerers and witches, and even to animals, lifeless objects and the dead.
Lévy-Bruhl remarked on the fact that in this “superstition,” which is widespread nearly over the whole world, a person and an animal are constantly in reality one and the same being. Not the soul of a person leaves one’s body in order to travel as a wolf, leopard, or tiger, but the person and the animal are only one being with a double existence and a double presence.13 Since these primitives consider that the collective descent of their tribe or their humanity is mostly from these animals, it appears to be correct that we understand the mental process of these ideas of double being and double presence as collective inflation.
It will suffice if we demonstrate from the rich collection of Lévy–Bruhl some examples here for the representation of these phenomena:
J. H. Hutton reports: "On one occasion the elders of a large Ao village came to me for permission to tie up a certain man in the village, while they hunted a leopard that had already caused a great deal of damage. The man in question, who was, by the way, a Christian convert, also appeared to protest against the action of the village elders. He said passionately that he was very sorry that he was a leopard man; he did not want to be one, and that it was not his fault, but seeing that he was one, he supposed that his leopard body must kill to eat, and if it did not, both the leopard and he would die. He said that if he were tied up the leopard would certainly be killed, and he would die. To tie him up and hunt the leopard was, he said, sheer murder. In the end, I gave leave to the elders to tie the man up and hunt the leopard, but told them that if the man died as a result of their killing the leopard, whoever had speared the leopard would of course be tried, and no doubt hanged, for murder, and the elders committed for abetment of the same. On this, the elders unanimously refused to take advantage of my permission to tie up the man." It would be difficult to imagine a more conclusive fact. Everybody is so convinced that the man and the leopard are the same individual in two bodies that the European administrator is obliged to make his verdict conform to the common belief.” Lévy-Bruhl remarks on this: “It would be difficult to furnish a more complete factual proof for the faith in the double being of the leopard men. Everyone in the village is perfectly convinced that the man and the leopard are the same being in two different bodies; consequently, the European government official is forced to adapt his decision to the common superstition.”14
What concerns us here indeed is a possession [Besessenheit] by doubling. This becomes clear from the description of the “fits” that tend to accompany these doubling transformations. Thus J. H. Hutton describes a fit of lycanthropy possession with the Naga in the northeast of India as follows:
"‘The possession is accompanied by very severe pain swellings in the knees, elbows and small of the back in the person both during and after the possession. These pains are said to be such as would result from a continuous marching or from remaining long periods in an unaccustomed position. During sleep at the time of possession the limbs move convulsively, as the legs of a dog move when it is dreaming. A leopard man of the Tizu valley, in paroxysm at such a time, bit one of his wife's breasts off. When the leopard is being hunted by men, the human body behaves like a lunatic, leaping and throwing itself about in its efforts to escape. Under these circumstances the relatives of the leopard man feed him with ginger as fast as possible in order to make him more active, so that the leopard body, on which his life depends, may have the agility to escape its pursuers. The body of the man and that of ‘his’ leopard thus both experience the same sensations at the same time. In order that the leopard may escape, new strength is procured for the man. They are in reality but one being, present in two places. That is the belief of those chiefly interested: The neighborhood, the pursuers, and himself.”
The deadly action at a distance of the charm curse -- according to Lévy-Bruhl -- conditioned ikewise “a double existence and a double presence of material objects, which causes death.”15
The double presence is presented with some primitives on the basis of “two egos” or “tamaniu.” With many primitive peoples one finds the belief that the dead person is at the same time present and absent or is present at two places. In order to make this double presence impossible for the dead person, some tribes make use of actions, which our culture calls funeral rites for violators. Thus reports W. E. Roth from the district of Brisbane in Australia:
"In the case of adults, immediately after death, some old medicine man, not necessarily a relative, would cut off the whole genitalia of a male, the clitoris only of a female, wrap it in grass, and place it high up in the fork of a tree: This was to be significant for the sexual instinct being finished with and to prevent the spirit (nguru) of the dead entering into sexual relations with the living." Lévy-Bruhl writes, “Thus the mutilation of the corpse reacts upon the dead, just as the wound inflicted on the leopard appears upon the body of the leopard man. In both cases individuality is consistent with double being and double presence.”16
Often the dead, particularly in the first days after their dying, appear in animal forms.17 Thus many Bantu Negroes of southern Africa prefer the shape of serpents.18
With the reading of these collective possessions of the primitives, one is struck that the “second ego" appears mostly as an animal and is able to carry out the cruelest sadistic actions. The cruel acts of the secret societies, thus the so-called leopard men and panther men in West Africa and also in other places supply today still sufficient proof for the fact that the original collective need of the two egos is the impulse to kill, to have the thirst for blood, and to eat people (cannibalism). The opposite pair, which here conditioned the doubling, is man and animal. Both stand next to one another as "ego existences" as if there were no contradiction between them. This opposite pair is almost as old as that of heterosexuality and homosexuality, which according to Freud, is connected with personal doubling with the paranoids.
On the basis of fate analysis [Schicksalsanalysen] with paranoids we have come to the conclusion that the paranoids do not always try to solve the opposition of "heterosexuality homosexuality" emphasized by Freud in the form of doubling delusion, but that they double themselves most frequently also through a different opposite pair, and indeed through the antinomy "Cain-Able," "animal-man," "cannibalism-humanism." These paranoids descend mostly from families, according to our research, in which next to paranoids are also to be found chiefly epileptics. (Case 1 in this book supplies a model example for this fact.) One therefore can not accordingly verify absolutely the Freudian thesis that in the background of the paranoid stands the repressed homosexuality.
[2] The Doubling of Man and Woman
Despite this qualified criticism of this Freudian interpretation we must emphasize that inflation, the doubling of man and woman in the case of culture poor tribes, plays an outstanding role, in particular in their legends, cults, songs, and cult devices. The leading role of sexual doubling, the sexual collective inflation, with primitives is illuminated out of the book of collections of J. Winthuis on "The Two Sexual Being."19 This Ethnologist had the opportunity to work with the most diverse South Seas tribes on New Pommern in the center of the former German New Guinea Colony and also with the Melanesian tribes: With Vitjians, Salomons islanders and Admiralty Islanders, Polynesians as well as Samoans. His statements have a special importance also through the circumstance that he learned the difficult Gunantuna language; thus, his translation of legends and songs of these tribes are authentic.
The legend of the Aranda tells that man and woman in the beginning were grown together.20 The Aranda explained to Strehlow, “That a man nevertheless married one of those alknarintja women, whom they were not allowed to marry. The punishment for it was that the woman did not love him. There he drew her picture on the soil and threw at it continuously with spears (virile membrane). Then he hurled the woman’s picture burning at all sides towards the sky. There it became transformed into the body of a comet and the spear into its tail. And now the woman loved him passionately. Thus the opinion of the Aranda that the comet became a two sexual being, a man woman, which there with its female body, which is inflamed with love, is always connected with the tail = virile membrane.”21
According to the legends of the Aranda rainbows and stars are also two sexual beings. Thus Strehlow tells the following legend:
Two girls hiding in the bushes looked at the solemn initiations for two boys to whom they were promised. “After completion of the celebration they came out from their hiding place, loaded the two circumcised boys on their shoulders and climbed with them to the sky, where they together with the young men were transformed into two brilliant stars. According to the main role, which the girls played here, the stars are man woman.”22
Double being, man woman, is also the rain. “With the rain cult the actor carries “a rain bearing mother”; on a cord (membrane) it hangs out over his belly.”23
Also in the thinking of the Aranda and Loritja, the trees and rocks are two sexual beings.
Many cult songs and cult behaviors prove how strongly this doubling inflation of man and woman prevails in the thinking of primitives. (See Strehlow’s reports on Emu cult behaviors and singing.)24
Winthuis writes: “To become a two sexual being is the great longing of the Aranda and Loritja. Formerly, then they believed humans, man and woman, were connected to one another. But they were helpless. Then a totem God, Mangarkunjerkunja, gave them the use of their limbs. However they were separated. Since then man and woman themselves long again for constant union. Therefore their pitying totem Gods brought the cult, by which the sign of the two sexual union was through tooth eruption,25 sub-incision etc., and thus can initiate again the union as a two sexual being. Also the magic wands, which they brought with them there in stone or wood transformed bodies (tjurunga) should keep them holy as two sexual beings; for the same purpose, they would rub them with fat (female) and ocher (male), and in the holy cave, the symbol of the coupling, they carefully preserved them; thus with the help of these holy magic wands, they became two sexual beings…. “26
The initiation into manhood ceremonies is in any case a cult behavior in the sense of making the boy a man woman. Therefore the small operation of the sub-incision.
A. Van Gennep27 refers to the similarity of the initiations ceremonies in Australia, Asia, Africa etc. with the Eleusinian mysteries. “How is one to explain the complete similarity of the Greek, Egyptian and Asiatic rites with those of the Australian, the Bantu Negroes or Guinea Negroes and the Indian of northwest America?” On this question the author gives the answer, “That all these mysteries are the basis of a common thought, the thought of the transformation of the initiate into a new double sexual nature.”28
If indeed these mysteries and initiation rites mean the will of a man and woman to be a double being and to be God-like perfection (completion) -- as J. Winthuis believes -- “We are concerned here with the central secret of the religions of most peoples of the earth…. ”29
The alchemical material on the double being and on the hermaphroditism collected by C. G. Jung and its role in the history of culture is represented in a magnificent and unique way. We cannot even bring briefly here this enormous material of C. G. Jung. We refer here only to his books.30
The demand to double oneself sexually appears to be consequently an original human eternal and archaic collective need, which however -- apart from the rare cases of somatic hermaphrodites and androgynous persons -- is never realized in fact. The "culture-poor" primitive is however also relatively more fortunate than the present "culture-rich" person. While the primitive with the help of his cult devices and cult actions and through his mysteries from time to time therefore may live out the god-like perfection in the archaic heroic world of two sexual beings without running any danger, the person in our culture can in fact experience the original old collective inflation of man woman doubling only in dreams or in delusion formations. (Compare this to the hermaphroditic dream numbers 6, 7, and 8 in the third part of this book.) Modern persons have become poorer therefore in their need experiences through their higher culture than the so-called culture poor peoples of Australia, Africa, Asia, and northwest America. The culture stage of present "culture-rich" people excludes completely the doubling mysteries of cult behavior from religion.
There remains for the man in the present consequently no other way to make himself feel god-like -- that is, to make himself a two sexual being -- other than by dreaming or by becoming insane.
[3] Collective Inflation as the Idea of Doubling
in the Case of Cultured People
Jung separates a normal form of inflation from a pathological one. When, for example, an official identifies completely with his office and thus behaves as if he were the office and completes all the intricate social functions that actually do not belong to him but to the office, then this man acts in the condition of inflation.31 This form of puffing up of the person is however still not pathological.
The pathological form of inflation rests according to Jung on "a mostly inborn weakness of the personality vis-à-vis contents of the autonomous collective unconscious."32
As is well known an opposition between the personal and the collective universal tendencies of the unconscious exists in the human soul according to Jung. The collective psyche embraces -- as Jung writes -- the "parties inférieures" [inferior parts] in the sense of P. Janet -- thus "the well established, as it were automatically hackneyed, recognized and existing everywhere and thus beyond the personal or impersonal part of the individual psyche." The personal unconscious and consciousness includes, on the other hand, the "parties supérieures" [superior parts] of mental activity. That means the personal, ontogenetic, acquired and developed part of the soul.
A pathological form of inflation occurs therefore when the person "annexes the collective psyche given to him a priori and unconsciously as his ontogenetic acquired own property as if it were a part of the same."33
In other words, the person acts in the condition of a pathological "inflation," when he expands the range of his personality with "beyond the personal" and "beyond human" contents of the unconscious collective psyche. On the one hand this "inflation" is burdened with collective "beyond the personal" strivings of the personality; on the other hand it depreciates it and indeed at one time through the pathological "ego expansion" of the person through "omnipotence" and god-likeness"; at another time through the "crushing" of self-feelings through beyond human strivings present at the same time.
Jung perceives this making one ill in this form of inflation in the dissolution of the personality into its opposite pairs.
Opposites such as the personal and the beyond the personal, the satanic-like and the god-like, the individual man and the collective beyond men, and related opposites are dissolved with the inflation. The dissolution of the opposition between the personal and collective psyche occurs in that the person has taken the contents and tendencies of the collective psyche into the inventory of his personal psychic functions. As a result of this puffing up, the person behaves henceforth as if the strivings of the collective psyche -- like omnipotence, omnipresence, omniscient, being responsible for everything and further god-likeness and holiness -- belonged to his own personal and individual possession. Naturally all the above mentioned beyond the personal "all" [omni] tendencies belong to the universal and collective property of mankind. If, however, a normal man is made conscious of these "beyond man" and "god-likeness" demands, then he represses them henceforth. "The repression of the collective psyche" -- Jung writes -- "was simply a necessity for personal development.34 A man becomes sick when he can not repress the making conscious of the collective all-tendency to be like God because of weakness of his personality and when he expands and puffs up himself with the collective contents.
For the normal development of the personality, according to Jung, the strong differentiation of the personal soul from the collective psyche is an absolute requirement.
As an example of the “God-like” inflation C. G. Jung mentions the case of Maeder. The patient “stood with the mother of God and similar gods in ‘telephonic’ connection. In his human reality he had been an unsuccessful locksmith apprentice, who already for approximately 19 years had been incurably mentally ill.” (Paranoid dementia with greatness dellusion.) Further Jung writes: “He had discovered the grandiose idea however among other things that the world was his picture book, through which he can leaf for his favorites. The proof for it is very simple: He needs to only to turn, and then he sees a new page.”35
For the evaluation of this case Jung draws upon Schopenhauer’s World as Will and Representation for a comparison here and remarks the following: The difference between this paranoid and the philosopher consists in the fact that for the paranoid the view of the world as a picture book remained in the stage of merely a spontaneous growth, while Schopenhauer abstracted and, in generally accepted language, expressed the same opinion. “It had from its underground initial beginning thereby been raised up into the bright daylight of collective consciousness.”36 We say that Schopenhauer with his p function and with his position taking and reality testing k function of his ego was able to produce the idea.
Another example from the collection of G. Elsässer: A 25-year old woman, whose husband became mentally ill one year before, found a job in a monastery, where she helped with the housework. “In connection with religious practices, she became ill…. She believed herself to be the mother of God, and further that people were behind her, who in a truck would fetch and execute her.”37 Her inflation was thus of a collective nature.
About a paranoid female patient of his, W. Weygandt stated, “She had seen the sky open and on a tree were shapes, lions and cows, and the Lord spoke to her”… “You are blessed, God is your beloved papa and the priest is your healer.”38
The “being God-like” penetrated into consciousness from out of the collective unconscious as signs of power and mightiness manifested itself in these examples once therein when the patient was able -- like God -- to look at the world as a picture book, at another time when the patient was the mother of God, and at a third time when her father was “Papa God,” with Whom she is able to speak, and when the sky stands open for her.
These profound personality changes, according to C. G. Jung, are based on “the attraction of a collective picture.” In the case cited by W. Weygandt the hallucinating picture of the open sky and lions and cows in the trees works indeed like a painting from the early Renaissance. The eruption of such collective pictures into consciousness dissolves the personality. She becomes “mad.” Therefore the statement of Jung that the hallucinations and the pathological illusion world of racially different schizophrenics with archaic original pictures of representations and interpretations, thus with archetypes of mankind and with collective mythologies, indicate a profound connection.39
In a supplement to the Schreber case Freud drew attention to the fact that so many delusion fantasies are not only based on the “father complex” but also may indicate mythological connections. Schreber maintained that the sun speaks to him in human speech and verified “that its rays pale before him, when he spoke, and turned toward him.”
Freud at first explained the relationship of the patient to the sun as a sublimated “father symbol.” In a supplement he however completed this interpretation, based on S. Reinach, with the fact that only eagles -- as inhabitants of the highest air layers in the sky -- had the good fortune to be able to look into the sun unblinking and without being blinded and thus had been entitled as eagles to examine their young objectively with this test before they recognized their young as legitimate. Due to similar examples derived from primitives (as with the tribe of the Psyllen), Freud felt compelled to express the following:
“We are here concerned with things that appear to compel me to make possible a psychoanalytical understanding for the origins of religion.” He continues: “This small addition for the analysis of a paranoid may do that since the well-founded interpretation of Jung that the myth forming forces of mankind have not expired but today still are producing in the neuroses the same psychological products as in the oldest times …. And I mean, it will soon be the time to add a proposition, which we psychoanalyists have already expressed for a long time, which is to expand from its individual and ontological understood contents to the anthropological and phylogenetical contents that can add to the comprehended amendment. We have said: In dreams and in neurosis we find the child again with the characteristics of his ways of thinking and his affect life. We will complete this with also the savages and primitives, as has been shown us in the light of antiquity science and the research on primitives.”40
Thus Freud himself has bridged the gulf between the personal unconscious and the collective unconscious, an act that the Jungian school quite often is inclined to forget.
3. Familial Inflation
Familial inflation originates when the person expands the boundary of his personality with contents, functions, honors, and possessions, which belong to the stock of the family and not to the person. The person puffs himself up with the not personally acquired characteristics but with the power belonging to the family in total or to another family member. In circumstances of familial inflation, the person, consequently, sees no more or not yet any distinction between the opposition between the individual and the family. The boundary between daughter, son, father, sister, brother, grandfather, grandmother, etc. becomes indefinite. The individual acts thus as if he himself were the family and collects all physical and mental and spiritual and material "accessories" of his whole family.
The person doubles or expands himself with his relatives. This definition of familial inflation elucidates how generally this kind of inflation is to be found among people. And still more: There are many places, even state mechanisms, that determine and legally protect precisely this familial inflation. Thus, for example, the hereditary family titles of duke, count, baron, the titles of "von" and "zu" and so on. The hereditary parliamentarian functions and offices of certain families are all in this class.
The word family stems recognizably from the Latin famulus and the relationship of bond servants (= famulus) to their lord (= dominus). The authority of the family father rules over the power of the family. The patriarchal family is based first on the household community, second on the providing community, and third on the operating community.41
In general, the concept of the family signifies the degree of blood relatedness and the social unit of parents and children. This concept given here stems historically from the fact that the Romans consequently consider their own children as "serfs" or "bond servants." Here is revealed the original form of familial inflation. The parents expand -- as in the case of the Romans -- their personal power over the children as if their children were their physical property. This familial inflation of the parents, who thus are incapable to consider and to respect the "physical" boundary and opposition between "parents and children" is today still to be found quite often. Thus many incest bindings are prolonged and maintained throughout decades in the first place by the familial inflation of the parents, in particular the mother. We give some examples of it:
Case 2. A lesbian inclined mother brought home her daughter, who was bound to her and who had just acquired her diploma. The reaction of the “familial inflated” mother was: “Now, the diploma belongs to me. You, you go into your room. So there.” This mother will thus be herself a doctor, something that her daughter had personally attained.
Case 3. A sexually unrestrained mother gave the consent to two of her daughters to marry on the condition that she can take their suitor for the time being to herself in bed. An inflation, which reminds us of the jus primae noctis of the lord of property over the women of his bond servants.
In these two examples the mothers wanted not only to be everything but also to have everything that their daughters respectively were or had.
Another psychopath, an advanced-in-age manufacturer who lived with her son in an actual incest marriage, consented to the marriage of her son only on the condition that she will accompany the newlyweds on the their wedding journey and that also in the future the right to determine “temporally” the coition of the spouses. She could not do without power over her son also after the marriage. Here we must therefore accept a coupling of familial inflation and introjection.
Most frequently the phenomenon is that sons inflate themselves with the power of their fathers. The son of a landowner treats the builders as if he were the lord and landowner. The son of a Prime Minister seized the presidency over his school comrades. The son of the world-famous poet behaves at school and later also in life in a manner as if he were a famous poet.
This is a harmless form of familial puffing up [Aufgeblasenheit] and is naturally mostly not pathological.
The pathological form of inflation of a familial nature begins first with doubling, with which somebody at the same time is the person, who he is in reality, and also his own mother, grandmother, or some figure of his ancestor line. Most frequently these ancestors, with whom the sick person has doubled or expanded himself, appear in the hallucinations of paranoids.
If a deep analysis of these hallucinations are successfully carried out, one, thus, quite often comes to understand that the patients in their mental reality have expanded or doubled themselves with their relations and at the same time are mother and daughter, daughter and father, grandparent and daughter, etc. As a model example we bring in the third part of this book a succession of visions of a highly gifted school principal, who during the day or at night in bed produced rich daydreams in a waking condition without loss of consciousness; these daydreams she tried to interpret and to write up. Certainly she was not mentally disturbed. She had however the capability -- something like a poet -- to experience consciously her visions, to abstract them and to interpret them herself. In these daydreams, we find quite often the typical inflations of a familial nature. There appear figures that are, at the same time, father and child or mother and child. [See Part Three: Autogenous Participation with Relatives. Example 10. Visions 1 to 5.]
END NOTES
1 JASPERS, K.: Allgemeine Psychopathologie [General Psychopathology]. Springer, Berlin-Heidelberg. p. 615.
2 Ibid.
3 Ibid., p. 104.
4 IDELER: Versuch einer Theorie des religiösen Wahnsinns [Attempt at a Theory of Religious Madness], Bd. I, p. 392 ff [in footnote]. Cited in. JASPERS: p. 104.
5 FREUD, S.: Ober einen autobiographisch beschriebenen Fall von Paranoia [About an Autobiographical Case of Paranoia]. Ges. Sehr., Bd. VIII, p. 399 in footnote.
6 SZONDI, L.: Experimentelle Triebdiagnostik [Experimental Drive Diagnostic]. Huber, Bern 1947. p. 155 ff.
7 RANK, 0.: Der Mythus von der Geburt der Helden [The Myth of the Birth of the Hero]. Schriften z. ang. Seelenkunde, V 1909. Zit. n. FREUD: Ges. Schr., Bd. VIII, p. 400.
8 Später hat FREUD diese Auffassung korrigiert [Later, Freud has corrected this interpretation]. (Siehe später [See previous].)
9 FREUD, S.: Ges. Schr., Bd.VIII, S. 424/425.
10 Ibid., p. 399.
11 FREUD, S.: Ges. Schr., Bd. VIII, p. 417.
12 LÉVY-BRUHL: Die Seele der Primitiven [The Soul of Primitives]. W. Braumüller, 1930. p. 176.
13 Ibid., p. 159.
14 HUTTON, J. H.: Leopard-men in the Naga hills. Zit. n. LÉVY-BRUHL: p. 160/161. [English translation (slightly modified by the editor) is from the English version of the book published by Henry Regnery Company (a Gateway Edition), 1971]
15 LÉVY-BRUHL: Die Seele der Primitiven, p. 181.. [English translation (slightly modified by the editor) is from the English version of the book published by Henry Regnery Company (a Gateway Edition), 1971]
16 Ibid., p. 270.
17 Ibid., p. 293.
18 Ibid., p. 303.
19 WINTHUIS, J.: Das Zweigeschlechterwesen [The Two Sexual Being]. Hirschfeld, Leipzig 1928. Forschungen zur Völkerpsychologie und Soziologie [Researches on the People’s Psychology and Sociology], Bd. 5. Hrg. v. R. THURNWALD.
20 Compare this to PLATO’S “Symposium,” where it is told that “before time superhumans lived, who actually bore in themselves the characteristics of both sexes as double beings. Since meanwhile these superhumans appeared dangerous to the Gods, these double beings were divided. And since then there are here women and there men, and everyone seeks now the half of the other sex, its partner, from whom it was separated.”
21 WINTHUIS, J.: pp. 45-47.
22 Ibid., p. 49.
23 Ibid., p. 49.
24 Ibid., p. 54 in footnote.
25 Der Sinn des Zahnausschlgaens [The Meaning of the Tooth Eruption] as an inauguration rite is that that the Weihling becomes now a double being. “The gap resulted from the deflected tooth is to suggest that from now on the virile membrane, symbolized by the tongue that has admission to the vagina (gap), and/or with it is to be always connected!” Ibid., pp. 38/39.
26 WINTHUIS, J.: p. 81.
27 VAN GENNEP, A.: Les rites de Passage, p. 130. Cited in note in WINTHUIS, J.: p. 132.
28 Ibid., p. 132.
29 Ibid., p. 134.
30 JUNG, C. G.: a) Psychologie und Alchemie. 1944. b) Symbole der Wandlung [Symbols of Transformation], p. 374, p. 497 ff.
31 JUNG, C. G.: Die Beziehungen zwischen dem Ich und dem Unbewußten [The Relationships Between the Ego and the Unconscious]. Rascher, Zürich 1928. p. 38.
32 Ibid., p. 44 f [footnote].
33 Ibid., p. 46 f.
34 Ibid., p. 50.
35 Ibid., p. 39.
36 Ibid., p. 40.
37 ELSÄSSER, G.: Die Nachkommen geisteskranker Elternpaare [The Descendents of Mentally Ill Pairs of Parents]. Thieme, Stuttgart 1952. p. 60.
38 WEYGANDT, W.: Atlas und Grundriß der Psychiatrie [Atlas and Outline of Psychiatry]. Lehmann, Munich 1902. p. 436.
39 JUNG, C. G.: Wandlungen und Symbole der Libido [Transformations and Symbols of Libido]. Rascher, Zürich. Compare to Triebpathologie, Book. I, p. 24 footnote.
40 FREUD, S.: Nachtrag zu [Supplement to] “Über einen autobiographisch beschriebenen Fall von Paranoia.” Ges. Schr., Bd. VIII, p. 434 ff.
41 Autorität und Familie. Studien aus dem Institut für Sozialforschung [Studies out of the Institute for Social Research], Bd. V. Librairie F. Alcan, Paris 1936. p. 523.

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L. SZONDI the projection function of the Ego.

2010-03-29T19:55:00.000-07:00

Lipot (LEOPOLD) Szondi, Ich-Analyse [Ego Analysis]

Translated by Arthur C. Johnston, PhD

Please Observe: The copyright of this article (in German or in English) belongs to the Szondi Institute and to Dr. Arthur C. Johnston. This means you may not duplicate this article without their permissions.

[DIV III]

(bOOK) CHAPTER XI

PROJECTION

Concept and Forms of Projection

The process, which one calls projection far and wide in present psychology, was first discovered in the psychopathology of the paranoid (Freud). Almost at the same time was revealed the fact that the projection process also played an outstanding role in the normal perception of the external world. This means thus: Humans can project under sick and under physiological conditions. The discovery of the collective unconscious (C. G. Jung) led to the acceptance of collective representations and original forms (archetypes) and with that one began to speak of projective collective representations and archetypes. Under this aspect, numerous mental phenomena of the primitive soul were interpreted as projection processes. Thus, in the first place the phenomena of “archaic identity” and the “participation mystique” according to Lévy-Bruhl.

The discovery of the familial unconscious has led to the third form of projection, namely to the transferring out [der Hinausverlegung] of familial ancestor forms by means of choice guiding genotropism. On the basis of the three part division of the unconscious into three function units, we must speak here of three forms of projection. These are:

1. Personal projection, that is, transferring out and restitution of the contents of the personal repressed unconscious. These have two forms: (a) the pathological and (b) the physiological.

2. Collective projection, by which the collective representations and original forms (archetypes) are transferred out of the collective unconscious.

3. Familial Projection: Transferring out of definite ancestor forms out of the familial unconscious by means of genotropism, which leads to the choice in love, friendship, profession, illness symptoms, and means of death.

We will explain these three forms of projection more precisely.

1. Personal Projection

a) Pathological Projection

The analysis of symptom formation with paranoids gave Freud the reason for the following definition of projection:

“An internal perception becomes repressed, and, after it has experienced a certain distortion as perception from the outer world, appears into consciousness as a substitute for its content. The distortion with persecution delusions consists of an affect transformation; what should have been perceived as love inside is perceived as hate from the outside.”1

Freud links the following to this definition: The repression process consists actually in a detachment of libido from persons and things that one has loved previously. This process takes place completely silently and is therefore unconscious and inconspicuous. For the process of distortion of the repressed in the case of paranoids, Freud gives the following paradigm: The original inner perception is that of homosexuality: “I (a man) love him (a man).” Or: “I (a woman) love her (a woman).” On the other hand, the ego resists energetically however and proclaims: “I do not love him -- I indeed hate him.” Thus with the man. Or with the woman: “I do not love her. I indeed hate her.” Also this affect transformation in the case of the paranoid is always still unconscious. Only the transferring out of the repressed and disguised homosexual content makes itself noisily noticeable in the outer world. The ill person becomes conscious of: “I do not love him (respectively her)—I hate him (respectively her) because he (respectively she) persecutes me.”2

Already here we emphasize the results of Fate Analysis [Schicksalsanalyse], according to which the paranoid not only the same-sexuality love but also other needs -- thus in particular the wish to kill the partner (the Cain) -- can be projected.

On the basis of this empirically found mechanism, Freud established:

1. Projection is the transferring of inner perceptions into the external world.

2. Fundamentally, it is however a healing process, “which makes the repressed to come back again and the libido to return back to the persons abandoned by it.” Nevertheless, this returned libido contains—as hate and persecution—a negative designation.

3. “It is not correct to say,” Freud writes further -- “The inner repressed perceptions were projected outward: we see much more in this that inner raised-up material returns from the external.”3

Therefore projection becomes -- as a spontaneous healing process -- a defense mechanism on the one hand to keep the drive dangers of homosexual and Cain impulses far removed -- in a healthy sense -- from consciousness and on the other hand is able nevertheless to maintain the intimate connection with the object.

b) Physiological Projection.

The Original Projection: Participation

Already with the explanation of the sick form of projection, Freud calls our attention to the fact that projection can also occur where there is no conflict. It concerns in this case of projection also a general, normal physiological problem.

The original cause of definite sensory feelings is not looked for in us, and we transfer it outward. Thus this normal process earns the name of normal projection.

In the attitude toward the outer world, we, therefore, allocate a regular portion to the projection process. The projection of internal perceptions into the outer world is a “primitive mechanism – to which, for example, our sense perceptions are also subject.” Human beings are indebted to this mechanism for the separation of the interior world from the external world and thus with it the discovery of the environment. S. Ferenczi emphasizes the same thing also. He spoke already in 1909 of “original projection.” “One can assume that to the newborns everything that his senses perceive occur wholly and at the same time singly. Only later he learns to separate the hostile things, which do not obey his will, as the external world from the ego -- that is, the feeling from the perception. That was the first projection process, the original projection, and thus this indicated way can be used in the later paranoid development in order to push still more of the ego into the outer world.”4

C. G. Jung expresses the opinion that projection rests on an “archaic identity” in the sense of Lévy-Bruhl. Identity means unconscious and previous being the same with the object -- an identity, which was never the object of consciousness. This archaic form of mentally being the same of the subject with the object is out of a necessity broken up, and only after the dissolving of the identity can one, according to Jung, speak of projection.

The necessity of dissolving the archaic identity steps in then “when through the absence of the projected contents, the adaptation essentially is impaired and therefore returning projected contents into the subject becomes desirable. From this moment, the hitherto partial identity receives the character of the projection.”5

Projection is thus according to Jung a noticeable archaic identity; the object has become one’s own subjective critic or one has become the other.6 The differentiation of the process of projection from that of introjection is illuminated in the following definition: “Projection is therefore an introversion process, in which in opposition to introjection it brings about no inclusion and no assimilation but a differentiation and separation of the subject from the object.”7 According to Jung, projection occurs thus as a result of the breaking up of the original identity between subject and object. This manner of projection we call secondary, since we call the primary projection “participation.”

We have consequently been able to learn two different mechanisms of the projection process. According to the Freudian mechanism, projection consists of the following four steps:

1. Repression of an inner striving;

2. Distortion of the repressed contents;

3. Transferring out of the distorted contents;

4. Recurrence of the inner raised-up contents from the outside.

The Jungian interpretation recognizes three events:

1. Being the same of the subject with the object: Archaic identity, which we call participation;

2. Difficulties in adaptation through the absence of projected contents;

3. Restitution of the projected contents in the subject through the dissolution of the original being the same with the object.

How does the primary identity between subject and object occur? We find Jung’s answer in another work, where he states: The early identity rests “on the projection of subjective contents.”8

At first subjective contents are therefore projected into the object. Thus a partial identity -- a being the same of the subject with the object, that is, participation -- occurs. Then arises the necessity of restitution of the subjective parts from the object into the subject, and through the breaking up of this identity, the person becomes conscious that he is separated from the object. Jung says, “This restitution appears through the conscious recognition of projected contents, that is, through the acknowledgement of the ‘symbol value’ of the earlier objects.”9

For our further explanation it is important to emphasize that before and after the condition of being the same of the subject with the object a projection has taken place. On the one hand the identity indeed is based on the “primary” projection of subjective contents, thus on participation; on the other hand secondary projection is based on the restitution of the earlier identity.

c) Analytic Transference as Projection

Transference is interpreted in the analytic situation as a particular form of personal projection. As is well known, psychoanalysis understands under transference the particular feeling relationship of the one analyzed to the analyst, which, according to Freud, is characterized by the following traits:

1. The feeling binding in transference goes far beyond a rational degree.

2. It varies from tender devotion to obstinate hostility. The transference has consequently a positive and a negative form.

3. In the positive transference the patient projects all his or her unconscious expectant love demands and love attitudes onto the physician. In the negative phase all hate relationships with the parents are transferred onto the analyst. We call the positive form of transference: participation; the negative form, however, secondary projection.

4. Positive as well as negative transference can enter into the service of resistance.

The collective and familial kinds of transference contents work the same way as the personal.

2. Collective Projection as Participation

When one takes the view that “archaic identity” is based on projection and that nevertheless the projection is the same primary process that brings about the partial being one and being the same of the subject with the object of the external world, that is, participation, then we must examine the contents of the primary collective projection first of all with so-called “primitives.”

(a) The Role of Collective Projections

in the Thinking of Primitives

On the basis of the works of Lévy-Bruhl10, it is today generally assumed that the mental life of primitives is subject to the law of “participation mystique.”

“Participation mystique” is “the mysterious participation of heterogeneous things with one another, which is effected through mysterious powers, which are effective in them.”11

It consists in a mystic union of subject and object, the power from which the subject may not be distinguished essentially from the object. The subject and the object are partly identical with one another -- the result of this “having part with one another.” Through mysterious powers, which actually cause this “participation,” consist of a “partial identity” and a “quasi-identity,” which is based on a “previous being one of subject and object.”

According to Lévy-Bruhl, the “fundamental law of the sameness of all beings” is characteristic for primitives.

This sameness of all beings is conditioned through an extraordinarily effective might and power and through a something “that at the same time is whole and diverse, material and spiritual, and in continued exchange passing from one to the other.”12 These changes, thus shifting might and power, were first introduced by R. H. Cordington under the name “mana” in ethnology. Holmes identifies these with the “imunu” of the natives of the Purari-Deltas and states that this original material “is united with all things, nothing occurs without it: no living being or lifeless thing can exist without it. It is the soul of things…It possesses a personality, but only according to the particular characteristic of beings, which it fulfills…It can be effective in a good or bad sense, can cause or feel pain, can possess or be driven out from the possession of a thing. Not tangible, it can make known its presence therefore as sometimes the air or as the wind. It penetrates everything, which in the eyes of the people makes up the life of the Purari-Delta.”13

F. E. Williams, who observed the same natives, states, “Everything that the native feared because of illness, which may be inflicted on him; everything, before which he recoiled from because of its strangeness; everything that he cherished to obtain an advantage for himself; everything he kept safe through love -- all that he had designated as imunu.”14 The belief in the original power of mana or imunu had for a result—writes Lévy-Bruhl—that the primitive felt and thought the sameness among all beings. Although the primitive well knew the difference of forms, he did not differentiate the living being from the lifeless thing -- as we do -- into different kinds and classes. The primitive concerned himself only about the question: Whether a being or thing is filled or not with the fear-evoking power and might of mana or imunu; when yes, in what degree is this power contained in it and if this being or thing filled with mana is able to cause good or evil.

Mana, the imunu -- or as one otherwise calls this mysterious material by different primitive people -- is the transferable mystic power and might, which the “having part with one another” affects the different living beings and lifeless things.

The results of this “participation mystique” in the feeling and thinking of the primitive Lévy-Bruhl summarizes as follows:

(1) The Fundamental Sameness of all Beings

The mana or imunu is the same life principle in all living beings and lifeless things. The same living material works its mystic power in stones and rocks, which -- like living beings -- grow and multiply. This same living power animates trees and plants. There is in the representations of primitives scarcely a difference between humans and animal. Animals live according to the manner of humans; thus tigers, elephants, crocodiles can if they wish assume human form (metamorphosis) or also appear in half animal and half human intermediate forms. These ideas lead to the acceptance of totem animal ancestors and plant ancestors.

(2) The Solidarity of the Individual with his Group

This is likewise the result of the participative identifying manner of thinking of primitives. Not the individual but the group (clan) is the real whole with them.15 Thus “group relationships” arise. Partial identity and “mystic participation” bring about an almost physical dependence among the members of a family. Thus Smith, Dale and many others report that the primitive belongs not to himself but to the kinship group. The members of a kinship group are -- to speak with a Bible expression -- “so to speak at the same time also of another member.”16 “The individual is for the family what the members are for the living body -- head, arm or leg.”17 The common ground of their beings, their life materials, briefly the quasi-identity, is with the primitives particularly among the closest relatives, that is between father and son and between brothers, the greatest. With different groups of people this quasi-identity of father and son lasts up to the declaration of manhood. Before circumcision, the son is described in many places as “no one, separate from his father’s own individuality.”18

The intimate community between family members shows itself in the custom with the Indians of Guyana who must have the same diet as the ill persons of their family and also close relatives. (Report of Dr. W. E. Roth.19) So that the life of a newborn should not be endangered, the parents, particularly the father, must themselves undergo specific taboo ceremonies.

The belief in the “expanding individuality to more people,” thus in the quasi-identity of brothers, often leads to tragic results. Thus in many places the brother -- on the basis of identity -- demands to care for the wife of his brother. The brother believes that they are almost “interchangeable.” If now a man murders the wife of his brother and who will not give himself up, thus it happens that the husband of his wife speaks the following with the advice of the oldest of the village to the murderer: “Speak not! You are guilty! And since that we are brothers and are one, your crime is also my crime, and I will stand up for you. (Observation out of the region of the Ogooué.20) Sexual relations between a wife and the brothers of her husband are not seen as adulterous acts for a marriage. With many primitives the brother has the duty to marry the widow. Another curiosity, which stems out of the quasi-identity of the brothers, is that -- as is expressed by Hutereau -- brother or parent murder is not punished; “It is always considered as an unfortunate accident, and the murderer has, when he has right of inheritance, exactly the same demands as the heir of his victim, as if he had not brought this about. Often times the widow of the murdered man chooses him as a husband.”21

The solidarity of the members among each other in the social group brings along with it that the marriage is in the first place an incorporation into the group and is not an affair for the individual. Out of the same solidarity originate the custom of blood revenge and the right of the group over the property of each of its members.

(3) The Expansion of the Personality through Participation

Out of the partial identity and the participative thinking of primitives, it follows that the boundary of the personality is expanded. Thus comes the so-called “equipment” (accessories), thus all secretions and excretions, such as body hair, nails, tears, urine, excrement, semen, sweat, etc., that is the same as the individual. They belong not only to him, but they are the same as he himself. The expansion of the personality on the basis of participation brings along with it that all the possessions of the personal property of a person is he himself. (Therefore the bewitching by working on the accessories.)

The participative identification manner of thinking of primitives leads to the belief in the “double,” the “second ego” (atai, tamaniu, etc.) -- that is, in the “shadow” and the “exact likeness,” mirror image, which is again the person himself or herself. Here belongs also the belief in the “nunu.”22

An example: “A woman has imagined herself before the birth of her child that a coconut, a fruit of the breadfruit tree or also another similar object, stands in an original solidarity with its fruit. When then the child comes into the world, it is the nunu of the coconut, the fruit of the breadfruit tree, etc. When it grows there, there can be no price to eat the thing with which it is bound so mysteriously; otherwise, one can become sick. No one believes in an actual relationship of children to the thing or in an actual origination of children from it; the child is a kind of echo of objects.”23

(4) The Doubling of “the Personality through Participation.” Duality

(See later the section on “Collective Inflation.”)

(5) The Presence of “Spirits” in all Phenomena and Functions

The primitive soul “projects” into all things a power, a might, a being that moves these things. One shows a primitive of the Lenguas of Chaco, for example, a compass needle, which constantly points to the North; he thus believes that in the compass “a little spirit sat, who immediately indicates the way in one direction.”24 Another example: The adults with the Koryak explained the mechanism of the phonograph: “A living being that is capable of imitating the voices of human beings sits in the box.”25 They called it the “old man.”

The man, the compass, and the boxes of phonographs are bearers of mana, and one of the functions in man and in the thing is to be cared for by a particular being. Thus the “bapuka” provides, for example, the being for hearing. If a bang frightens the being “bapuka,” consequently it fails in its service for hearing. Also the primitive explains the reproductive process by the working within of the smallest being. “He believes in the actual, active being present of one or more small perfectly trained beings inside the individuals, and these illusions exempt him from the necessity to devote attention to the mechanisms of actual happenings.”26

(6) The Confrontation of Matter and Spirit

This confrontation does not exist with the primitive. Out of each material and each body radiates a mystic spiritual power; each spiritual being also has a physical part. The African primitive believes that the material is a form of the soul. The concept of a pure spiritual being is unrecognized by the primitive.

(7) Genius, Spirit and Protective Spirit of a Species.

The Archetype of a Species

When the “cultured human being” represents for himself a picture of a species and speaks of the genius of a species -- be it the species of a plant, animal or human -- he has thus formed for himself a “general abstract idea” for the species. If he meets now in reality an example of this species, he thus sets up in the place of the abstract idea of the species a concrete, sensual tangible form.

The “symbolic” personification of a species as genius [ed.: a special characteristic or spirit] comes -- thus Lévy-Bruhl maintains -- after the concept.

With the primitives, on the other hand, there is no clear general, abstract idea. The genius—the life principle—of an animal or plant species comes about with the primitive not after a concept formation of a species, but the genius of a species is in his thinking actually the origin and the concept of life materials (mana, imunu) that has a part in the individual being of animal or plant or human species. Animals and plants have an ancestor, which as “oldest brother” and as “chief, commander, or king,” represents the mystic life principle of the genre and at the same time works as the originator and protective spirit of the species.

Thus, the beaver has as ancestor the “oldest brother” of all beavers, the buffalo the “commander buffalo,” the rice the “mother of rice,” the rubber plant the “giant rubber plant” etc. as the genius of the species or -- as Lévy-Bruhl himself expressed it -- as “archetypes” and as original form of the genre.27

The individual being of the genre stands with the oldest brother, with the “mother,” with the “king” of the genre in a participative connection and receives its “soul material,” its life principle, from this personified being the genius of the species.

(8) The Presence of the Ancestors in the Individual

With good reason Lévy-Bruhl asserts that the individual with many primitives means “at the same time one and many,” that is, “a geometric place of many participations” (lieu de participations).28

The boundary of the individual with primitives is not only expanded through the “equipment,” “ego seconds,” the identical image, the shadow, and the mirror image but in particular through the being held within and dwelling within, that is, through the immanence of the ancestors in the individual. (Compare this to the ancestor forms in Fate Psychology [Schicksalspsychologie]. The individual participates “in a being who is not completely merged with him, who was there before him, and who after his death was separated from him and during his life is still united only with him. It is consubstantial with him and remains a part of his personality.”29 With the Australians, a cult apparatus, the so-called “tjurunga,” unites the individual with his totemic ancestors.

The tjurunga30 are diamond shaped cult apparatus made out of wood or stone. They are stored in sacred caves. On their surface are these flat, oval, and long cult objects covered with signs. All holy cult apparatus like the tjurunga are hidden from women and children.31 According to the report of Strehlow, upon hearing the tjurunga, also the so-called buzz-wood, swung with a long string, he said that it sounded with a high buzzing noise.32

The length of the tjurunga varies from 20 cm up to about 1 m and the width from 2 to 9 cm. The stone tjurunga is called by the Aranda “talkara”; they are wider and shorter than the wood ones. The symbolic meaning of the tjurunga is represented by the following on the basis of the best descriptions of Stehlow according to Winthuis:

The tjurunga is:

1. the body of a totem ancestor;

2. the body of men;

3. the body of totems;

4. the creative essence that the totem animal brings forth and increases when the tjurunga is covered with fat and red ochre.33

The tjurunga stands for “all of the same body of men and his totem ancestors; it unites the individual with his personal totem ancestor and in reality ensures him protection, lends him the iningukua, while the loss of the tjurunga draws forth revenge upon him.”34

The tjurunga is however not only the cult apparatus, which unites profoundly the individual with the totem ancestor in a mystic participation; it is also the union between the person and his totem animal or his totem plant. The tjurunga increases and makes these totem animals and totem plants fat exactly as the totem ancestor has done it. The tjurunga functions consequently as “the other body” of each man, writes Strehlow, which outfits him with creative power and secures for him protection against enemies. In that, Erich Neumann sees in the tjurunga the symbol of the “body-self.”35

The mental life of primitives is consequently determined through the mystic participation; ego psychologically that means: through the collective projections.

These propositions of Lévy-Bruhl are the most often treated; they have recently found a precise confirmation through the experimental drive procedure (Szondi Test).

One of my co-workers, Dr. Emmerich Percy, assistant physician of Dr. Albert Schweitzer in Lambarene, Equatorial Africa, has given the ten series drive test to more than a hundred Bush Negroes of different tribes. The most important result for us, perhaps, of his investigations is the experimental statement that the most frequent and at the same time the most quantitative tense function of primitive egos is total projection (p = -!, -!!). The ego of these primitives shows chiefly the picture of the so-called “mystic archaic ego” (Sch = 0 -) or the autistic, cosmodualistic ego (Sch = + -). About the importance of these findings of E. Percy we will speak of again thoroughly in the third part of this book with “Delusion Formations.”

(b) The Role of Collective Projections with Cultured People

We see the essential in the appearance of a collective projection in the phenomenon of participation – that is, in the “being the same and being one” of two objects. Everywhere where one finds collective identities, we must think about the collective contents.

Jungian psychology was in fact untiring in the research of such identities in relationship to the forming [Gestaltungen] of human existence (Daseins). Thus it researched the collective forms [Gestaltens] of the drive life, the spirits, the numerous forms of mythological and religious stirring experiences, the values functions of the soul, and the preservation of the original nature of man in the form of “foreknowledge.”

The collective similarity of the forming principle with all humans led Jung back to the projections of collective original forms, the archetypes.

Each drive fulfills in its manifestation an eternal, archaic, finally established original form. The sameness of men in their drive manifestations was consequently the result that each man transfers the same, eternal archaic drive form and the same “drive archetypes” in the personal formations [Gestalts] of his drive life. The sameness in the drive life occurs on the basis of projection of the same archaic drive forms.

The being the same and being one in spiritual and unspiritual definite human groups at certain times of history are based on the sameness of the projections of the same archetypes, which form the spiritual and respectively the unspiritual.

The being the same and being one of human groups in the numinous moving emotions of a religion, a ceremony, and a rite is the numinous projection action of the same “curing” or “disturbing” collective representations and archetypes. Jung maintains that the essential content of all religions -- indeed even all “isms” -- bears an archetypal numinous character.

Since each archetype contains a particular feeling value, the projective archetype determines the sameness of value functions of the group and the crowd. From the sameness in collective foreknowledge originates the sameness of the mass groups in relationship to the collective anxiety -- respectively high or over estimation of certain individuals (emperor [Kaiser], king, leader [Fuehrer]) in the history of mankind. The sameness of the original nature preserved in the collective unconscious conditions by means of archetype projections and also the being the same of definite groups in "foreknowledge” of the future.

Briefly: The identity of human formation in the drive, spiritual, religious, people and national life is conditioned according to Jung through the collective projection of archaic original forms out of the collective unconscious of mankind. Differently expressed: Each being the same and being one in the drive life, spirit life, religious life, and national life is the consequence from projections of collective representations.

Jung preserves the opinion that the feature of mystic participation plays an important role not only with primitives but also with cultured people. Thus he maintains the “transference phenomenon” as a particular form of “participation mystique.”

With transference one must assume a magic action of the object on the subject.

Freud has treated the problem of collective transference thoroughly in “Massen-psychologie und Ich-Analyse” [Crowd Psychology and Ego Analysis].36

Freud investigated the libidinous constitution of a mass in relation to its leader and come to the following solution formula:

“Such a primary crowd is a number of individuals, who place one and the same object in the place of their ego ideals, and as a result of this have identified in their egos with one another.”37

In other words: The being the same and being one with members of a crowd with the leader are based on the collective transference of the same ego parts, the ego ideals, into the same object, the leader. Freud sees in the identification of the members in a crowd with one another as the precondition of this process. The content of the collective projection during a crowd formation is consequently the collective ego ideal of the crowd. This collective ego ideal receiving this projection object is the person of the leader.

The condition for such mass formations is according to Freud that all members of this crowd will be loved by a person, the leader, in the same way.

The collective transference is based consequently on the demand for equality of the masses. “All individuals should be the same with one another, but all will be dominated by one. Many are the same as individuals, who can identify with one another, and only one who is superior to all of them alone -- that is the situation that we find realized in a viable crowd. We dare thus to correct the statement of Trotters that a human is a herd animal; he is much more than a herd animal; he is an individual of a hoard led by a chief.”38 Here we find again an important point for the corrections of our interpretation, according to which is that the unconscious end goal of each projection of being the same and being one is thus participation.

And now we come to the discussion of the so-called “familial projection,” which represents the specific sphere of activity of fate analysis [Schicksalsanalyse].

3. Familial Projection

a) Choice as Familial Projection. Genotropism.

Under familial projection Fate Psychology understands the projection of those “ancestor forms” into the outer world, which were preserved in the familial unconscious from generation to generation of the same family. The carriers of the ancestor forms are: The genes.

The familial projection -- that is, the transference of hidden ancestor forms into the outer world -- manifests itself on one hand in unconscious seeking of definite “ancestor related” persons and, on the other hand, in finding and choosing definite persons in love, in friendship, and in professions, whose objects are definite persons.

Under “relationship” is here the same phenomenon as in the “choice relationships” of Goethe’s. “Those natures, which with meeting one another rapidly affects one and are determined mutually -- these we call relations.”39 This classic definition of relationships among human beings Fate Psychology has concurred with the fundamental observation that these “choice-relations” fundamentally are “gene” related individuals.40

The choice relationship is the result of gene relationship. The unconscious seeking and finding, thus the unconscious choice of certain -- and no other -- objects, is the result of the familial projection of specific ancestor forms. The unconscious process with the familial projections expresses itself consequently in the fact that the person as carrier of certain specific ancestor forms unconsciously goes into the environment on the search after such persons, who in their familial unconscious bear partly or completely the same or related ancestor forms as does the seeker and thus the chooser himself.

The biological concept of “genotropism” coined by us in 1937 corresponds therefore in ego psychology to the mental concept of the “familial projection” of the ego.

The familial projection works consequently in that the person finds another person gene related or choice related with him in relationship to the hidden ancestor form, with whom he unites himself in love or friendship and in occupation or in illness.

The being one and being the same with the partner -- that is, participation in love, friendship, profession, illness and manner of death -- is the result of the projection of dynamic functioning ancestor forms out of the gene stock of the familial unconscious into the outer world.41

The gene as carrier of the familial ancestor form unites the individual not only physically with his ancestor, as the monistic school of genetics teaches, but also mentally participative with all the “strange” persons of the environment, who with him -- in the sense of sameness or relatedness of the latent ancestor forms -- are “gene related” and consequently “choice related.”

That is the heuristic new thing in the functional, dualistic human genetics of Fate Psychology [Schicksalspsychologie].

Therefore: The fate of the person is determined, but also limited, precisely through his or her choice behavior in love, friendship, profession, illness, and manner of death. These fate determined and limited choice behaviors can occur according to the interpretation of Fate analysis [Schicksalsanalysis] by the means of the familial projections. Therefore, we maintain that:

The fate of the individual is directed through the familial projection of the most dynamic ancestor forms.

The immanence of ancestors -- as ancestor forms -- in the familial unconscious makes possible all real participations in the life of individuals.

Real participation signifies in Fate Analysis the realization of having part in the other and the realization of being one and being the same with the others in the form of love, friendship, occupation, illness, and manner of death.

It is indeed not difficult to discover the same phenomena in the mentioned “immanence of ancestors in the individual” in the thinking of primitives, which today science simply calls “heredity.” The genetics of Fate Psychology does not speak however of a “mystic” but of a “real” participation of the individual with his ancestors.

The geneticist calls this power, through which this participation occurs between members of a family no longer “mana” or “imunu” but simply “genes,” thus hereditary factors.

One can never misjudge, writes W. Johannsen, that “something” in the masculine and feminine germ cell, in the so-called gametes, must be mostly that which decisively influences or determines the character with the fertilization of the newly established organism. In the new individual, which is yielded out of the union of both germ cells and which geneticist call the zygote, one can again find that “something” which the maternal and paternal gametes brought together with them. In every day language, one calls these “somethings” “predispositions”; in genetics it is called a “gene,” a “hereditary factor.” One can thus -- as in the sense of present day genetics -- say correctly that the consubstantiality of the individual person with his ancestors physically is maintained and is determined through the gene. In genetics, everything, which is determined by genes, is called “genotype” or “hereditary form.”

Johannsen calls genotype or hereditary form the totality of the genes of an individual, thus, the whole “hereditary form,” which results out of the union of the paternal and maternal germ cells.

Genotype is called in general all that which is determined by the genes. Fate Psychology uses next to the concept of hereditary forms, the genotype, also another concept, that of “ancestor forms.” Ancestor form is a lower concept of the higher concept of “hereditary form.”

We call ancestor form that specific part of the whole hereditary forms, which through a specific group of genes conditions in heredity the specific form of particular ancestors of the family and determines its return (recessivity) with one or more members of the family.

Thus one can speak of the specific “ancestor forms” of musicality, speech aptitude or of the ancestor form of a particular physical conditioned or mental hereditary illness (like schizophrenia, manic depressive insanity, epilepsy, sexual perversions, etc.) We assume that a specific gene group -- in its total working and through some cooperation of external factors -- determines the materialization of a definite specific ancestor form.

In the familial unconscious of the person lies therefore this gene group functionally dynamic and not statically rigid but functionally dynamic “ancestor forms,” which all have the tendency to appear again manifestly in the physical and mental constitution of the carriers of this ancestor form.

This is also the case, when the gene group conditioned by specific ancestor form is present in a “full dose” in the hereditary resources. In these cases the “ancestor forms” manifest themselves in the fate of the descendant -- that is, in original form of the genotype. Mostly however the person is no full carrier but a “part carrier” of these specific genes, which causes the familial ancestor form. One calls these individuals “heterozygotes” or “conductors.”42 (Their hereditary formulas are Aa, AaBb, AaBbCc, etc.).

If a recessive gene group is full dose, in double dose, is present (aa, aabb, aabbcc, etc.), the person is thus pure (recessive homozygote) in relationship to the concerned ancestor form determined gene; then these original ancestor forms, thus genotypes, come into appearance. Thus they appear, for example, in the form of deafness, imbecility, schizophrenia, manic depressive insanity, epilepsy, and perversion or as musical, mathematical, psychological or other kinds of aptitudes.

In single dose (Aa, AaBb, AaBbCc), halved, and heterozygote condition in the familial unconscious of the person, these living gene groups, according to our theory, work not genotypic but genotropic. The so-called “genotropic” working of latent, recessive genes consists, as we have already often explained,43 in that they direct the choice behavior of the carriers.

Choice Is Based However on Familial Projection

Psychologically that means: the conductor persons, thus those individuals, who in part dose or in half dose are the carriers of the gene groups of an ancestor form, manifest the immanent ancestor form not physically or mentally in the original form; instead they project the specific ancestor form out of the familial unconscious on those persons who either likewise are latent carriers -- or more rarely -- are manifest representatives of the same ancestor forms. These conductor persons unite themselves as a result of these familial projections in love or friendship, in occupation or in illness and in manner of death.

The being one and being the same in the realized participation in love, in friendship, in occupation with other people, in illness and in manner of death is psychologically the result of an impulse that we call “completion drive” or “participation drive.”

The completion drive -- that is, the participation drive after wholeness and perfection -- is biologically determined through the half essence of the individual in relationship to the latent ancestor form. Psychologically the completion drive is that elementary ego function that we call projection of the familial ancestor forms. The seeking and the finding, thus the choice of partners in love, friendship and in occupations, originate from the drive after completeness, after wholeness, and after perfection, a drive that is satisfied through the unconscious ego by means of the familial projection of the ancestor forms. Love, friendship, and occupations (with other people) are consequently fate possibilities in that the person as part carrier of the ancestor form can complete his part form of his ancestor with the missing other part of his ancestor with that of the partner.

In the first book of “Schicksalsanalyse” [Fate Analysis], the reader will find a long series of examples, which strengthen these interpretations. Also in the first part of this book, we have been able to demonstrate that with case number 1 how extensively all choices occur with the testee and with his family relations in this “completion” of the ancestor form.

The ideas about the familial form of projection as genotropism we can summarize as follows:

1. Fate genetics [Schicksalsgenetik] is based on the rule of genotropism. It establishes empirically that two conductor persons, who in their hereditary framework and in their gene stock carry hidden the same or related recessive hereditary factors, which draw them mutually in love and friendship and in professions (whose professional objects are human beings). They are gene related and because of that choice related.

2. The gene relationship, a choice relationship, is consequently the genus proximum, thus a generic term, whose boundary is transferred far over those of the genealogical blood relationship. The genealogy of Fate Analysis is based not only on the blood relationship but also on the choice and gene relationships.

3. Fate Psychology expressed the same facts in different words as follows:

Choice related persons are carriers and transmitters and seekers and finders of the same ancestor forms.

Gene related or choice related persons are thus individuals in whose familial unconscious are to be found the same ancestor forms for an integration of the same drive tendencies. Choice related or gene related persons as carriers of the same ancestor forms project mutually their latent ancestor forms on one another.

4. Choice is thus an unconscious ego function, which consists in the projection of the ancestor forms out of the familial unconscious. The ancestor forms transferred out and sought for and mostly found in the outer world are the most dynamic gene elements of the familial unconscious. The mental court transferring out the ancestor forms is: The unconscious ego.

5. The process of the familial projection of the ego is through the attraction pull of the related ancestor forms, which the same genes guide, that is, through the process of genotropism. Thus by the means of mutual familial projections of identical ancestor forms, love relationships, unions, and marriages occur between related individuals. The unconscious completion drive of two gene related persons to being one and being the same results thus from the familial projections of identical latent ancestor forms and is manifested in the most striking manner in the choice of marriage partners.

b) Familial Projection, Incest Love and the Oedipus Complex

In the first book of “Schicksalsanalyse” [Fate Analysis] we have already treated thoroughly these relationships.44 It is sufficient here consequently to summarize briefly only the final results.

1. In the families, in which a recessive hereditary illness is present, the frequency of rape -- committed by the blood related and the gene related -- and the incestuous love connections and the marriage between blood related also are relatively greater.45

2. The question: Why were only certain pairs of brothers and sisters drawn to each other in an incest love? We answer that just these and not other brothers and sisters carry the “recessive pathological ancestor form” in a dynamically strongest degree in their familial unconscious and for that very reason seek to unite each other in love.46

3. The Oedipal, incestuous binding between mother and son and father and daughter has not only a personal experience but also a familial projective, that is, a genotropic basis.

According to our experiences with genetics, the daughter mostly takes after the grandmother on the father’s side (or after a sister of the father): the son, on the other hand, mostly after the grandfather on the mother’s side (or after a brother of the mother or the grandmother). The mother is consequently a conductor and the transmitter of the ancestor forms of her father (eventually grandfathers, uncles, great uncles, etc.) to the son; the father is the conductor of the ancestor forms of his mother (eventually, grandmother, great aunt, etc.) onto the daughter.

Mother and son and father and daughter are therefore “ancestor form related individuals.” The sameness of the ancestor forms in the familial unconscious has for a result that they -- we mean by the way of the reciprocal projections of the same ancestor forms -- mutually attract; they will be one and the same, thus participate in one another. They are not only blood related but also gene related. Therefore the manifestation that has been named the Oedipus complex.

4. The Oedipus complex is a phenomenon, which may be interpreted only then correctly and perfectly when one proceeds three dimensionally with its emergence -- exactly as with dream interpretation -- and considers synchronously the personal experiences and the familial and the collective47 factors.

The role of the familial projection in friendship choices and professional choice is treated in the corresponding chapters of Schicksalsanalyse.

The analytical transference is a mental situation, in which the familial projections are more frequently in the process if one dares to perceive it. The chance of a favorable and rapid running analysis is, according to our experience, all the greater, the greater is the “genotropic” relationship between the one being analyzed and the analyst. Therefore the opinion of so many analysts is incorrect that he is no “menu,” which the analysand at first “favors” and on this basis of sympathy or antipathy then chooses or rejects.

We are of the opinion that many depth psychological treatments fail because the partners of the “analytical dual union” are gene foreign to one another.

End Notes

[1] FREUD, S.: Über einen autobiographisch bescriebenen Fall von Paranoia. [On an Autobiographically Described Case of Paranoia]. Ges. Schr. [Collected Writings], Bd. VIII, pp. 417-418.

2 Ibid., p. 414.

3 Ibid., p. 423

4 FERENCZI, S.: Introjection and Übertragung [Introjection and Transference]. Jahrb. f. ps.-a. u. ps. -path. Forsch, Bd. I, p. 430.

5 JUNG, C. G.: Psychologische Typen [Psychological Types]. Rascher, Zürich 1930, 5. u. 6. Tausend, p. 658.

6 Ibid., p. 657 f.

7 Ibid., p. 658.

8 JUNG, C. G.: Über psychische Energetik und das Wesen der Träume [On Psychic Energy and the Essence of the Dream]. Rascher, Zürich. 2nd edition, p. 198 f.

9 Ibid., p. 199.

[1]0 LÉVY-BRUHL, L.: Das Denken der Naturvölker [The Thinking of Primitive People]. W. Braumüller, Wien 1926. -- Die geistige Welt der Primitiven [The Spiritual World of Primitives]. Fr. Bruckmann, München 1927. -- Die Seele der Primitiven [The Soul of Primitives]. W. Braumüller, Wien-Leipzig 1930.

11 JERUSALEM, W.: Vorbemerkungen zu Lévy-Bruhls Buch: Das Denken der Naturvölker [Preface to Lévy-Bruhl’s Book: The Thinking of Primitives]. W. Braumüller, Wien 1926.

12 LÉVY-BRUHL, L.: Die seele der Primitiven [The Soul of the Primitives]. Braumüller, Wien-Leipzig 1930. p. 3.

[1]3 HOLMES, J. H.: In primitive New-Guinea, p. 150. Cited in Lévy-Bruhl: pp. 3-4.

14 WILLIAMS, F. E.: The Paimara ceremony in the Purari Delta (Papua). Journ. of the Royal Anthrop. Inst., Bd. 53, 1923, p. 362. Cited in Lévy-Bruhl: p. 5.

[1]5 See on this the critical remarks there of B. MALINOVSKI: Sitte and Verbrecken bei den Naturvölkern [Custom and Criminals with Primitive People]. Francke, Bern, Sammlung Dalp.

[1]6 LÉVY-BRUHL: Die seele der Primitiven, p. 60

[1]7 Ibid., p. 66.

[1]8 Ibid., p. 81.

[1]9 Ibid., p. 80.

20 Ibid., p. 83.

21 Ibid., p. 87. Compare this to the Sitte des Habbe-Stammes [Customs of the Habbe-Tribes]. Schicksalsanalyse, 2nd edition, p. 394.

22 Ibid., pp. 140-142.

23 Ibid., pp. 142-143.

24 Ibid., p. 108.

25 Ibid.

26 LÉVY-BRUHL: Die seele der Primitiven, p. 107.

27 Ibid., p. 54 ff.

28 Ibid., p. 206.

29 Ibid., p. 201.

30 WINTHUIS, J.: Das Zweigeschlechterwesen [The Two-Sexual Being]. Hirschfeld, Leipzig 1928. p. 22 ff. About the cult object of the tjurunga of the Aranda, F. J. GILLEN, B. SPENZER, C. STREHLOW, W. SCHMIDT, G. ROHEIM, and J. WINTHUIS have in particular occupied themselves with this. Ibid., p. 22 ff.

31 STREHLOW, C.: Die Aranda- und Loritja-Stamme in Zentralaustralien [The Aranda and Loritja Tribes in Central Australia]. Published out of the town’s Völkermuseum. Frankfurt on Main. 1907.

32 WINTHUIS, J.: Cited work, p. 83 ff.

33 WINTHUIS, J.: Das Zweigeschlecterwesen. Forschungen zur Völkerpsychologie und Soziologie [Research on Folk Psychology and Sociology]. (Published by R. Thurnwald.) Bd. V. Hirschfeld, Leipzig 1928. pp. 25-26.

34 Ibid., p. 23.

35 NEUMANN, ERICH: Ursprungsgeschichte des Bewußtseins [The History of the Origin of Consciousness]. Rascher, Zürich 1949. p. 309.

36 FREUD, S.: Ges. Schr. [Collected Writings], Bd. VI, pp. 261-349.

37 Ibid., p. 316.

38 Ibid., p. 323.

39 GOETHE’S sämtliche Werke [Collected Works]. Max-Hesse-Verlag, Leipzig. Bd. XVI, p. 27.

40 Schicksalsanalyse [Fate Analysis] 2nd edition, p. 43 ff.

41 R. REY-ARDID has confirmed the theory of genotropism in his work “Contribución a la genética psiquiátrica” (Arch. d. Neurobiologia, T. XVIII, Number 1, 1955).

42 Compare this to our explanation in the first book of “Schicksalsanalyse,” 2nd edition, pp. 36-68.

43 SZONDI, L.: Schicksalsanalyse. Benno Schwabe, 1948. 2nd edition, p. 42 ff.

44 Schicksalsanalyse, 2nd edition, Chapter VI. "Inzest und Genotropismus" ["Incest and Genotropism"]. pp. 148-156.

45 Compare this to the example in Schicksalsanalyse, p. 149.

46 Example: Cases 22/23. Ibid., p. 150 ff.

47 RANK, OTTO: Das Inzest-Motive in Dichtung und Sage [The Incest Motive in Poetry and Saga]. Deuticke, Leipzig-Wien 1926.

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Ego Analysis Division II Fate Analysis Teachings.

2010-03-25T12:28:00.000-07:00

Translated From
Lipot Szondi, Ich-Analyse [Ego Analysis]
by
Arthur C. Johnston
© 2008
By Arthur C. Johnston, PhD
Please Observe: The copyright of this article (in German or in English) belongs to the Szondi Institute and to Dr. Arthur C. Johnston. This means you may not duplicate this article without their permissions.
DIVISION II
ELEMENTARY EGO ANALYSIS
The Four Elementary Functions of the Ego
Fate psychology has expanded outward the boundaries of ego concepts further beyond the recognized circumstances of the Freudian double concept of “ego and superego” and beyond the Jungian terms “ego and self.”
The phenomena “ego” is expanded to a total concept and to a chief concept of autonomous “global” ego, whereby the concepts “superego” and “self” are interpreted as part concepts for particular part functions of these “global egos.” Fate Analysis does not do this because it denies a particular function of a superego and the self but because it maintains the view that the function of the critical superego as a conscience and also as the conscious and unconscious integrated activity of the self always represents only part functions of a whole ego, which Fate Analysis calls pontifex oppositorum [bridge between opposites].
Freud recognized this state of affairs very well when he described motive, which moved him to coin the concept of the superego; he expressly emphasized that the superego represents only a “stage” and only a “differentiation within the ego.” It is about that indisputable and that Freud therefore has not placed the superego under or above the concept of the ego.1 The censor function of the superego and also the integration of the conscious and unconscious through the self are both only partial functions of the autonomous global ego that as the center plays the role of the pontifex oppositorum.
After setting up the opposites with one another and with the ego concept, we must consider first “in isolation” the individual functions of the ego in order then to be able to understand correctly those segments of the complete function of this court.
We distinguish the following unconscious ego functions:
I. Elementary ego functions:
1. Projection.
2. Inflation.
3. Introjection.
4. Negation.
II. Dialectical ego functions, which serve the defense from the inner ego dangers.
Inner defense activity of the ego:
1. The between-factorial ego dialectic: the dialectic between ego expansion [Erweiterung] (ego diastole) and ego contraction [Einengung] (ego systole)
2. The double factorial ego dialectic:
a. The inner dialectic of ego expansion.
b. The inner dialectic of ego contraction.
3. Dialectic between foreground ego and background ego. The complementary ego fate.
III. The ego-drive dialectic. The outer defense activity of the ego. The defense mechanisms.
IV. The character-building function of the egos.
V. The choice-forming function of the egos.
VI. The dream-forming function of the egos.
VII. The belief function of the egos.
We begin here with the representation of the four elementary functions of the ego.
In theory, the ego stands -- as a stalwart ship captain -- on the command bridge of the soul, from where it should bridge over all opposite pairs.
In reality, this is, however, not so. Mostly the ego appears in the life of the individual as an unreliable captain, who often abandons his high lookout position and actually in fact has never undertaken it.
Though these position changes, the ego takes different one-sided, unilateral positions and lingers nearer this one and nearer another at the opposite pole of the soul. With that, the ego is incapable to fulfill its task as pontifex oppositorum in all possible trend directions of opposites at a distance, deliberately and reflectively.
In relationship to the opposite pair “conscious-unconscious” that means that the ego takes care to transfer its central “command position” at one time near to the pole of consciousness and at another time nearer to the pole of the unconscious. Under this aspect, depth psychology speaks of a “conscious” and an “unconscious” ego.
Correctly, this means: The ego lingers one time in consciousness and another time in the unconscious.
If the ego -- as we assume it to be -- is in fact the manifold, multiple axes of the soul, on which is attached a pole of consciousness and another pole of unconsciousness, then we must affirm:
The being of the ego in consciousness means: The conscious ego and not at all consciousness.
The being of the ego in unconsciousness means: the unconscious ego is not however the unconscious itself.
The ego as the pontifex oppositorum fulfills its captain role in the central position of the soul; thus, it stands above consciousness and at the same time also over the deep waters of the unconscious. In this case -- and only in this one -- may the ego fulfill its particular task: that is, to function as the bridge between being conscious and being unconscious. If the ego, however, lingers more in the vicinity of the unconscious or sinks itself completely into the unconscious, then one is entitled rightly to speak of “a driven ego.”
From the standpoint of our ego teachings, the expression “the driven ego” signifies only this: That the ego abandons its central position as the pontifex oppositorum and has given itself to the unconscious. The ego as likewise driven should therefore signify for us conclusively those unconscious elementary functions through which the ego in unconsciousness exercises four specific functions. These are: Projection, inflation, introjection, and negation. We derive these four ego tendencies from the original participation.
1. Projection. p- is the earliest, most primitive unconscious elementary striving of the ego, the power and might of the unconscious to transfer one’s being to an object of the outer world. The unconscious end striving of each projection is being one and the same with the object, thus the participation drive.
2. Inflation, p+ is the unconscious elementary striving of the ego after doubling, after the original being-double essence, after the “two sexual essence,” and after uniting in oneself man and woman. The unconscious drive for each inflation is the striving after completeness: that is, after being everything. The doubling and perfection originate in the soul through making conscious the unconscious mental opposites.
3. Introjection. k+ is the unconscious original elementary striving of the ego after incorporation, after taking possession, after assimilation of the valued object and valued representations of the outer and inner worlds. The unconscious end goal of each introjection is the striving after having everything.
4. Negation. k- is the unconscious elementary striving of the ego after renunciation, negation, and repression of definite demands, representations, and experiences. The unconscious end goal of each negation is the disimagination of all ideals of being and having, thus destruction.
The unconscious tendencies after being one and the same with the object, after being everything, after having everything, and after denying everything and destroying everything are the four unconscious elementary functions of the ego. These make man indebted on the one hand so that he can be a social and human being; on the other hand, however, that he may destroy himself and the objects of the world. Then: The result of projection is the bodily and spiritual pairing and union between persons; thus, the couple, family, group, clan, people and social formations on the whole. The result of inflation is the creative impulse after perfection by means of religion, art, poetry, and research. As the social result of introjection, we consider all that which acts as material and intellectual possessions and thus function as “capital investment” in character, in profession, in knowledge, and in skills and as capital of material goods in the life of the individual and society. The important social result of negation has a double sense: at one time, the social adaptation to reality and at another time, destruction. The degree of negation distinguishes whether adaptation or destruction steps in.
At the earliest beginning, the function of the ego consists exclusively of the function of participation. And only because being one with the mother, the world, and everything is impossible over a period of time, the ego is compelled to live its power in being in other being forms. Thus occur in our opinion secondarily projection, inflation, introjection, and negation.2
End Notes
[1] Freud, S.: Ges. Schr. [Collected Writings], Bd. VI, p. 372.
2 For details see the third part: Die Partizipationstheorie der Wahnbildung [The Participation Theory of Choice Formation].

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From: Leopold Szondi, Ich-Analyse [Ego Analysis] in Fate Analysis Teachings.

2010-03-25T12:09:00.000-07:00

Google Web Alert for: "fate analysis".
You do not have to be any kind of professional to study Fateanalysis Teachings ...
From: Lipot Szondi, Ich-Analyse [Ego Analysis]
Translated by

Arthur C. Johnston

© 2008
by Arthur C. Johnston, PhD
Please Observe: The copyright of this article (in German or in English) belongs to the Szondi Institute and to Dr. Arthur C. Johnston. This means you may not duplicate this article without their permissions.
Chapter X
The Ego Concept in Schicksalsanalyse
[Fate Analysis]
21. The ego is the pontifex oppositorum, [the bridge between opposites] which spans all spiritual opposites. The integral ego concept.
In the preceding chapters we have tried to represent briefly the history of ego concepts through a survey—which is certainly very incomplete—from the Upanishads of Indian Theosophy up to the wholeness symbol of the “self” in the present. The time span of this ego history stretches over almost 3000 years.
With these repeated experiences of ego history, we can never disregard this basic fact of Fate psychology [Schicksalspsychologie]—namely that history is basically Fate Analysis, the analysis of choice behavior, which conditions history. That means here: The history of ego concepts is the history of the transformation of object and conditioned choices in the understanding of egos. It represents on one hand the analysis of the ego fate of the individual in the course of individual development and on the other hand, in general, all humanity.
With this survey about path of fate which the ego concept in the preceding three thousand years has covered, the manifoldness in the choice of fate possibilities of ego concepts surprises us first of all. What was the ego in all this in the course of time! It was God, world creator, world author, lord, the undying inner ruler; it was one’s own body, the position, the possession, the surroundings, one's own name, the soul [Seele] which reigns in the world and moves things; it was the spirit [Geist], the metaphysical substance; it was a bundle of perceptions, representations, and experiences; it was judgment and thought; it was subject and transcendence as being-in-the-world; it was a piece of the unconscious, a defense organ, a non-libidinous drive, a sexual object, a reservoir of libido, the ego-ideal, a censor system, the secure power against that without power, the will to power; it was the center of consciousness and a part of the totality of the psyche, thus the self.
On the basis of traditional logic one can say that the specified objects and functions determine characteristically the content of the ego concepts. Logic distinguishes however recognizably the content (complexes) and second the circumstances (Ambitus) of a concept.
Under content, logic understands the wholeness of all signs of a concept. Circumstances are called, on the other hand, the wholeness of all objects and all different concepts, which are included under a chief concept.
The “reciprocity rule of concepts” establishes that the richer the content of a concept is, the more narrow the scope and the reverse. In other words: A concept is in its range more narrow, thus limited, and even therefore clearer, the richer the characteristic signs fill out its content.
We call therefore the specified objects—respectively functions as signs of ego concepts -- thus, one must say: The content of ego concepts is extraordinarily rich and as a result of this its range should be narrow; thus be clearly limited. We consider, on the other hand, the specified objects—respectively functions of ego concepts -- as “objectives” or, however, as part concepts of the whole concept of the “ego”; thus the range of ego concepts is very wide and thus unclearly interpreted; on the other hand its content (thus the wholeness of its signs) is determined too narrowly.
Out of this dilemma the “concept of concepts” in the Hegelian dialectic turns out to be helpful. This states: Concept is “one's own self for the objectives….” “The soul of life itself: It is the drive which arranges itself through the objectives throughout its reality.”1
This interpretation corresponds with Fate Analysis completely. We say: Each concept determination is an unconscious choice behavior among the possibilities, which as definite objects respectively functions are present. The same choice of objects—respectively the functions in the concept determination -- materializes however through the transference; that is, through the projection of something in the unconscious of the person respectively from the collective dynamically moving and ruling needs itself or through the projection of a collective idea (archetype).
A concept was therefore the objectivation of an unconscious -- mostly collective -- process through projection.
*
Under this aspect we must therefore interpret all that which in the course of time in the concept of the ego as object, as function, or as sign of the ego at times has appeared, constantly in realization and objectivation of unconscious processes and as projective collective processes out of the unconscious, and with that take seriously all manner of concept determinations appearing at any time—that is, accepted as mental reality. Thus we arrive at the integral concept of the ego.
In other words, the ego has in fact an inner relationship as well with God, with the world author, and the inner ruler, with the spirit as well as with the bodily drive nature, with omnipotence and impotence, with judgement (censor) and with thought as bearer and carrier of the past. It is bound internally with the bundle of functions and also with individual functions, with the libidinous and non-libidinous drives, with masculinity and femininity, with the conscious and the unconscious, with the body and the soul, with waking and dreaming, with the being here in this world and being there in the other world beyond.
In this historical transformation of the ego concepts -- that is, the choice of objects and functions that at times have been contained in the ego concept, Fate Analysis considers choice behavior under the opposite pairs of functions and objects, which populate unconsciousness and move against one another dialectically and dynamically in the unconscious.
We arrange the transformation of these choice behaviors on the basis of the opposite structure of these ego concept forms; thus, we obtain the following global opposite pairs:
1. omnipotence ßà impotence
2. spirit ßà nature
3. unconscious ßà conscious
4. subject world ßà object world
5. femininity ßà masculinity
6. body ßà soul
7. waking ßà dreaming
8. this world ßà the world beyond
These are the leading and outstanding opposite poles in mental life, under which one may easily subsume all other mental opposite pairs.
*
Like the modern historian, thus also the Fate Analyst harbors the opinion that in history—as also in the fate of an individual -- an outstanding happening, a behavior, a leading interpretation, exhibition and way of thinking can never be the work of pure accident. All is doubly determined in the history of humanity and in the fate of the individual. This double determination means: Fate is not alone controlled by all of the causality laws, as assumed by the historical materialist, but it underlies synchronically with the law the connected chain of the results and also the “complete law,” thus the finality, the law of life plans of the individual man and whole humanity in general. Without life’s plan the concept of fate is indeed an eggshell without content. According to Fate Analysis, the history of mankind and the individual is—as fate—constantly the results of two moderating laws set against each other. That means: The end result of causality and finality laws, thus the whole law. The life of the individual as well as mankind rests on an antithesis structure. The opposite poles can stand in relationship to each other in two ways.
The first is the so-called complementary or completing contrast characteristic, the second the contradictory, in which the antipole excludes itself from the other. The mental opposites are almost all of a complementary nature. They complete themselves reciprocally. The contradictory opposite pair excludes itself out on the opposite side, and through that the person never integrates, but he or she must “choose” even among the opposites only one as a partner; for example, he or she chooses being, life, and renounces not-being, thus suicide.
Under this aspect appears the difference between integration and choice. Then: The integration, the completion of the opposites into a whole, is the ideal solution of the so-called complementary opposites. When the person dissolves the complementary opposites of his or her soul (for example, masculinity and femininity, Cain and Abel demands, etc.) with the choice of one demand and repression of the other and thus this manner of solution can indeed be good for the community and thus be socially good; for the person it is however danger-bringing. Then: Only the integration, the wholeness of the coexisting opposite pair resolves the question for the good of the community and at the same time also for the individuals. The choice of an anti-pole is actually correct only with the contradictory opposite pairs. For psychology, the complementary opposite pairs come into question in the first place. These are however not separated from one another, stand thus not independent, simply static, without relationship there, but the opposite poles “live” with one another in a complete, reciprocal “complementary coexistence.”2
This living together wholly and reciprocally of the opposite poles in bodily and mental life means:
1. The opposite poles move themselves dialectically always against one another.
2. This consists of a constant working together, a reciprocal working together and a cooperation, between the two poles of the opposite pair.
3. This complete being with one another (coexistence) and this complementary working together (cooperation) of the opposite poles is the means to shape themselves all forms in life with their characteristic traits as well in the physical and also psychical world.
4. If the complementary tendency between the opposite poles is broken or disturbed, then the individual person as well as mankind experiences a catastrophic danger.
If we consider now the ego as a court under the aspect of complementary coexistence and cooperation of the opposite poles, thus we arrive at the following conclusions:
In the psyche, opposite impulses, strivings and representations are always moving. Thus: The impulse to expand himself omnipotently like God (ego diastole) and at the same time the compulsion to limit himself to the bound sphere of a human being in the world (ego systole). Or: The impulse to fulfill the spiritual and at the same time the demand to satisfy the drive nature. Or: The demand to be a man and at the same time a woman—that is, the demand to the completeness of a two sexual being. 3 4 Or: The need for objectifying and at the same time for making subjective an inner spiritual process. Or: The impulse to see all combined in a bundle, in a complementary summary, and at the same time to live and to represent a function of this bundle in individual experience. Or: The impulse to make conscious unconscious processes and at the same time the impulse to make much from the consciousness again unconscious and thus to preserve much eternally in the unconscious.
These as also other mental opposite pairs, which we have not specified, live in men with one another in a reciprocal and an opposite-sided complete coexistence and cooperation.
*
When this is thus, however, in mental reality, then we must assume a higher court, a central administration in the soul that functions as an impartial minister of the “consensus of parties” and guides the office of a “consensus of opposites.”
That means: We must raise up an over-bridging court over these opposites, which on one side reunites and holds together the reciprocal, complete cooperation of the opposite pairs. This is an interpretation of a consensus of parties. On the other side, however, the court must be a complete power-distributing organizing court, which takes over the task and the ministration to watch over and to bridge over the opposites and to exercise the function of the complementary and the wholeness of opposites. Fate psychology sets up the concept of ego as bridge builder and as the bridge over all mental opposites and affirms:
The ego is the Pontifex oppositorum [the bridge between opposites].
The ego is therefore the power-distributor, the organizer and administrator of the complete cooperation of the opposite poles of the conscious and unconscious soul.
The ego socializes and sublimates, individualizes and humanizes all opposites of human drive nature. The ego is the bridge which may span all opposites in the soul. The ego is the complex manifold axes of fate wheels on which the mental opposites depend.
That means: The ego itself is neither the omnipotent God nor the impotent man; it is the connection between God and man.
The ego is neither spirit nor nature; it is the bridge between spirit and drive nature.
The ego is neither object nor subject; it is the mediator between object and subject.
The ego is neither a bundle of functions nor a particular function; it is the hand that ties the individual function to a bundle of them.
The ego is neither man nor woman; it is the complete two sexual being of man and woman in one.
The ego is neither the center of being consciousness nor a piece of unconsciousness; it is the axis on which depend a pole of being consciousness and a pole of unconsciousness.
The ego is neither exclusively waking nor dreaming; it is the bridge between waking and dreaming.
The ego is neither this world nor the world beyond; it is the bridge between this world and the world beyond.
How is it however possible that a court to bridge over all opposites may integrate?
In the introduction to this book we have raised up in anticipation the preconditions of the bridging activity of the ego. These are:
1. Transcendency, thus the capability to surmount from one into another region.
2. Integration, that is, the capability of restoration of the whole out of the complementary parts.
3. Participation, thus the being able to be one again and the having a share in the other, in man and things, in the world, and in everything.
The concept of the ego as Pontifex oppositorum must be set up therefore as a transcending, integrating, and participating court.
Only in this way it is possible that the ego may work as an integrating court.
On the ancient question of the Upanshades, “What is your ego?” we can now answer the question in the language of our time:
What man makes godly and God may make human: that is your ego.
What the power and might of the soul under the power-making courts of being distribute: that is your ego, the power-distributor.
What all opposite pairs of the soul -- as a mighty wheel with many axes -- carry in its poles: that is your ego, the bridge of opposites, the bridge-builder of all opposites.
What the opposite pairs in the soul move to one another, what they swing to a reciprocal wholeness: that is your ego, Pontifex oppositorum, the completer and maker of wholeness.
What pushes the man to completeness and to the union of man and woman and drives to the complete two-sexual being: that is your ego, the striver after completeness.
What pushes the unconscious to become conscious and the conscious again to be repressed into the unconscious: that is your ego, the maker of consciousness and the repressor.
What unites the body with the soul, waking with dreaming, and the world here with the world beyond: that is your ego, which constantly is underway.
The God being and the man being, the man being and the animal being, the being in the body nature and the being in spirit, the being in man and the being in woman, the being in consciousness and the being in unconsciousness, the being in waking and the being in dreaming, the being of this world and the being in the world beyond are only ego chosen positions on the commander bridge of the soul and thus only partial and episodic modes of being in this world, therefore fate possibilities of ego-being.
Ego being is the beginning and the ending of being in the world (Daseins), thus man-being.
Then: the being in the world without ego being is called animal-being or plant-being or stone-being. For the correctness of the statement, we have established in the forward to the second part:
The birth of the ego is at the same time the birth of the human soul. And still more: it is the birth of man-being overall -- in opposition to animal-being.
End Notes
1 Cited in Wörterbuch der philosophischen Begriffe [Dictionary of Philosophic Concepts]. Frederich Kiorchner and Carl Michaelis. Published by J. Hoffmentier. My publisher, Leipzig 1928, p. 133.
2 Compare here to Wellek, A.: Die Polarität im Aufbau des Characters [Polarity in the Buildup of Characters]. Francke AG, Bern.
3 Compare here to Szondi, L.: Triebpathologie [Drive Pathology], Book I, p. 368. See further:
4 Winthuis, J.: Das Zweigeschlechterwesen [The Two Sexual Being]. Hirschfeld, Leipzig 1928.

Thanks Google

Unitendencies in the Sch Ego of Szondi.

2009-10-27T17:46:00.000-07:00

It is useful to to keep in mind that the Szondi Test is so constructed that in each of the four Vectors, the test filters out four settings that are of only one 'prong' as the decided choice. Reversing this phrase, another way of saying this opens. The test subject who makes this choice, has to do so by unconsciously avoiding what the other three prongs and their strivings represent in his personality, at that moment.

These are called unitendency settings, because (in this logic ) its strivings appear unrestrained, they are therefor easier to state as models of what a particular group strivings, needs, impulses carry in respect to a particular Szondi Factor. Nevertheless, what is absent and exists only background is what permits a unitendency effect to occur. In a subject's earlier and later test profiles his passage to or from a unitendency may reveal his conflicts and compromises in respect to that part of his heredity sphere striving for expression.

Here we are focusing on mankind's uniquely developed Ego, as selected testologically and the unitendancies are, if exaggerated, the same as definitions of of man's functional mind pathology.

Unitendencies of the Ego [Sch]izophrine of Szondi. [k=facial photos of Catatonics] [p=facial photos of Paranoids.]

[k0 p+]

Unrestrained ego expansion, obsession by antithetic tendencies (ideas of grandeur, religiosity, etc. )

[k0 p-]

Unrestrained projection (delusions of persecution.)

[k+ p0]

Exaggerated greed for power, excessive introjection, egoism, egocentricity, narcissism, [functional] autism.

[k- p0]

Repression of the primative stiving antitheses, manipulating contradictions;potentials to; excessive negation, self-disparagement, self-depreciation.

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

Szondi Analogs Development and DOMINANT Settings of the Ego

2009-10-22T13:33:00.000-07:00

Szondi Analogs: Development and DOMINANT Settings of the Ego

	EGO [Sch] SET	Gen POP= 2237
CHILDHOOD/ 5? UNDER	[k0 p-] & [k+ p-]
ADOLESCENCE	[-0] [-+]
ADULT STANCE	[--][++][+0][±0][±+][±-]
DIFFERENTIATED ADULTS	[0+] [±0] [+±] [-±]
CRISIS & RESETTING	[00] [±±] [k-!!]
AGED/ 65+	[0-][--]

This is roughly based on the 'General Population, Hungary Pre-1944, its relivance is open to question. Yet it offers another way of looking at the question of distribution of Ego settings. Also, as soon as you look at definalabe clinical or employment types various shifts of Ego settings is apparent.

Demonstration of Szondi's Ego System Continued.

2009-09-22T20:21:00.000-07:00

To complete the demonstration as to the
difference that just a change or the [p+] sign to [p-] the egovector settings just look at the change in striving that [k± p-] is inherent when that is the case.

The setting [k± -] is the restless, variable ego sometimes paroxysmal, embedded in it are the ego possibilities:

1. [k+ p-] (=an adult ego representing the narcissism and omnipotence.)

2. [k- p-] (=the drill ego, the repressed
average man's ego.)

3. [k±] (=both, introjection and repression.)

4. [p-] (=unconscious projecting
of needs, fears and desires.)

At this point you may wish to object this is
getting more complex than you expected, regrettably, you would be correct. In fact if we shifted our demonstration to the [p±] and the [k+] and then [k-] as the opposed, a new series of differently directed strivings would emerge. We may do this demonstration in later in posts dealing with case specific instances.

But for now, the point to be driven
home is; there is a natural order, we can filter it out, set
in terms of strivings. The strivings are identifiable by their special
characteristics which are those belonging to the psychiatric factor
from which it takes its name. For the ego, Szondi coded it
'Sch'. Its functions are understandable from the
projected unconscious, like and dislike of catatonia and
paranoid genotype photos.

The Ego of psychologists, teachers and other work-a-holics.

2009-09-22T13:16:00.000-07:00

From
the standpoint of teaching the Szondi Test and making it relivant to the
probable reader here it seems useful to examine the Ego
settings
common to mind workers of all types psychologists, teachers etc.

With
the unfolding of
stage VI [k- p+] one cannot from the test findings alone demonstrate
the implied claims for the existence of some other regular age related
order beyond the stages stated by Susan Deri (SZ Intro’1949).

This new setting represented by the
reappearance of narcissistic/Inrojective striving, [k+], but now as
part of an ambivalent choice [k±], and when set against [p+]
works one way and when set against a [p-] works markedly different.

It
was found that the choice [k±p+] was more frequent with those work
addicted and those entering the psychology curriculum. There
were
also other ego settings found most of which were those embedded within
the [k± p+] setting, such as:

[k-
p+](=the compulsive ego),
[k+p+] (=the flooded
endangered ego)
[k±] (= both; introjection and repression )
[p+] (=rational
obcessive strivings )

This
seems to suggest that the reappearance of a [k+] prong, (missing for
most since early childhood), thus forming a [k±] was
preparatory
to the person moving toward an adult stance, with new introjections now
directed to the selections of love mate choice, new
friendships, occupational choice.

This finding seemed also
useful as demonstration element, in that, this new setting
represented by the reappearance of narcissistic/Inrojective striving,
[k+], but now
as part of an ambivalent choice [k±], and when set against
[p+]
works one way and when set against a [p-] works markedly different. [k±
p-] Szondi had characterized as the 'paroxysmal ego' because of its
sometimes connection to crimes of passion, a better
capsulization
term might have been 'volatile ego' and has been found psychologists
and others with an inclination to philosophic views.

The remarkable difference tells us of the powerful nature inherent in
the [p] paranoia factor and its outcome strivings.

For
some, (not all) the [k+] appears in puberty and grows markedly more
common in adolescence, reaching its peak, we estimate, [lacking good
data] in one out of five college attending young adults. Your editor’s
impression is, that this also represents what appears to be an
intentional, thus ‘will made’ shift to seeking new introjections and
fresh identifications.

This also corresponds to our knowledge of [k+] clinical
empirics.

This
is not to say that those not making a [k+] choices and stay [k-]
dominant, do not also introject important new ego-ideals and
internalized models, it is to say, that they do so on the bases of
largely unconsciously made accommodations and acquiescence to what is
directly available. Which is another way of phrasing ‘not will made”
and therefor what it is they introjected and maintain is mostly build
from the external demands and conditioning imposed on
them.

This is an issue, which one usually associates with the
transition to adult stance and the new responsibilities that are
involved.

Noteworthy is, that those seeking a professional or
college enhanced education advance more efficiently when they introject
volitionally, new admired personal models, friends, teachers, leaders,
subject matter etc. As the introjected image serves in turn to direct
them to imitate and try to be their accepted role models.

+, -, ±, 0 Are not In the Szondi Schema math ordinals. They represent a person's choice reactions to the Szondi reagent photos.

2009-09-12T18:13:00.000-07:00

[+] = liked.

[-] = disliked.

[±] = both liked and disliked.

[0] = avoided.

Szondi Ego Stages V and VI Mild Compulsive and Full Compulsive.

2009-08-25T10:45:00.000-07:00

Stage V. [k- p0]

The Ego of 'successful repression', The mild compulsive Ego. The Ego of neurosis prone adults.

The generally smooth passage through latency seems remarkably that there was so much unrest before and then adjustment problems and various self-image distortions seemingly appearing out of nowhere once this stage is passed through has always puzzled parents and child psychologists alike. We do nor claim to have all the answers, but can report the Szondi testologic data as it is. Permitting you to form your own conclusions.

The minus k, open p constellation in the Sch Ego Vector is, together with the minus k, minus p, the most frequent constellation in children between the ages of nine and twelve, and continues to occur in many subjects during puberty and into adult life.

The obvious difference of this setting from the stage IV, [k- p-] is the absent [ p-] This lack indicates that the repressive strivings corresponding to the [k-] are therefor more effective. The Szondi empiric is when a Vector a decided choice pared with an avoidant (i.e. a no choice you have a uni-tendancy result by definition is an unbalanced striving situation, which in the case is the [k-] strivings and as the main striving in [k-] are one's to negation, acquiescing and repression. the importance of this finding is significant.

Children between nine and twelve years of age, and not particularly, neurotic children, who show mild compulsiveness. Children of this age are very likely to be exacting and pedantic in regard to details; some may for time be preoccupation with moralistic and religious problems which often relate more to the Szondi Paroxysmal/Affect Vector coded as capital (P) strivings []e+] or []e-] at that time entering awareness but ere also become an Sch Ego problem.

Many children in this age show an eagerness for factual knowledge and learning about the world in general which, by its persistence bears the characteristics of a compulsive drive. One well-known manifestation of this "drive to know" is the excessive amount of reading during prepuberty; reading about practically everything: love stories as well as books on science, or descriptions of far-away countries and travels. [Deri]

The conflict is due to the discrepancy existing between the newly acquired strength of the sexual impulses and the fact that the ego is still too weak to assimilate these needs on a more realistic level. This discrepancy results in the compulsive type of defense mechanism by which the child attempts to deflect his sexual curiosity into a general curiosity about the world. (This mechanism can lead to hobbies like stamp or coin collecting.) Yet even though this compulsive defense mechanism might be based on the same dynamic processes as are the symptoms of the compulsive neurotics, it cannot be called neurotic in the clinical sense of the term since there are very good realistic reasons why a child of this age cannot actually give way to his rising sexual drives. Thus, resorting to compulsive defense-mechanism, under these circumstances, can be considered an acceptable and realistic self-defense, indicating no particular tendency for neurosis at a later age. [Deri]

Adults whom yield the [k-p0] setting often end up with relationship problems because of their compulsive efforts to control others. They may find satisfaction in occupations which serve this purpose. [Clinical Empiric]

Whether or not these subjects seem successful in their work, they are often inhibited in their "private" emotional life. They are usually unable really to love because of their basic inhibition against allowing themselves to feel emotions at all. [Deri[

The age groups in which this constellation is frequent include first of all prepuberty, but also puberty and the beginning of adolescence. From adolescence on, the frequency of minus k, open p decreases gradually, and occurs least frequently in old age. On the basis of our findings, it appears that this mechanism of active repression is probably too energy-consuming for old age, when the use of the "opposite" ego mechanism, namely the open k, minus p, shows preponderance, this latter being a much more "natural" mechanism involving no effort on the part of the ego to inhibit the projection of one's needs into the environment. [Deri]

This Ego setting as the regular occurring one, one is not able to decide the issue of normal or neurotic, it being safer to say, there are many different normals. The next stage overwrites that viewpoint, in that its strivings generally associated with outcomes to strong as to make any claim of total normalcy dificult.

Stage VI. [k- p+]

The fully compulsive Ego. The common adult neurotic Ego. What enters awareness is hard to ignore. Hard headed adult.

In most cases, [k- p+] Sch setting follows [k- p0]. The interpretation corresponding to these two setting reflect a different situation within the Ego. The [k-] genic striving is mostly stripped of its introjective function and its Ego expanding power and repression appears as the main organizing aspect of the ego, and here the [k-] factor, fights against acceptance of the polar strivings now entering more directly awareness represented in the [p+] strivings. This is possible also an other way of saying instinctive pressures are seeking satisfaction by acting out and/or sublimation, socialization, occupation or symptom. These being in Szondi's view the result of ancestor set genic drives.

The personality characteristics in individuals giving [k- p0] and [k- p+] overlap in such features as the willingness to conform with expected social norms, and their devotion to control over themselves, over others and their environment.

This [k- p+] Ego setting one of a strong conflict situation in the ego common to late puberty and in adolescence.

The concept of sexuality has broken through barriers to consciousness, and children in late puberty and early adolescence enjoy talking about it. Their conversation, however, shows many mannerisms which border sometimes on compulsiveness. It seems as though they would attempt to dispel their deep-seated anxieties through the "magic" of the words. The discrepancy between their verbal "wordliness" and their actual awkwardness in many real life situations is considerable. adualistic stage) the child experiences his newly acquired ego as omnipotent, and does not perceive the limitations imposed by the environment.

In adults, this ego setting still refers to the same adolescent-like personality characteristics. It is given often by adults who are aware [p+]feel that they have not lived up to their denied expectations [k-].

Their level of aspirations are [p+] aware projected but are compulsively inhibited by their reparations[k-] which seems to them that their aspirations are always higher than their level of their achievement.

The corresponding feeling of failure is independent of the realistic value of their achievements or of their success as judged by their environment. For individuals with continuous [ k- p+] the characteristic trait is this feeling that whatever they have achieved is not enough. Some will drive themselves to extreme performances, and we note this setting is an embedded part of the work-a-holic Ego setting [k± p+] and have strivings that move in the same direction.

This is many times the beginning picture of patients who undergo psychoanalysis. Susan Deri see it as representing the fight between the superego and the id impulses and the behavior of these subjects is usually highly social and they consciously attempt to conform. However, the conforming behavior of these individuals is dynamically quite different from that of subjects with the "disciplined" ego (k- p-] as subjects with the "disciplined ego" do not experience the process of conforming as a burden. They take it as the most natural course of events, and do not experience their own contradictory tendencies until-occasionally-these tendencies break through in a crude form.

The distribution of [k- p+] ego-picture is fairly even among the various occupational groups. It as would be expected is found most frequently in compulsive neurotics. Also it is frequently found in psychosomatic and hypochondriac cases, which perhaps suggests that repression [k-] and [p+] or [p-] modes of projection plays some part in these disorders not yet fully explored.

The most characteristic age for Sch [k-p+] is late puberty and adolescence. Following these ages it decreases gradually in frequency. The explanation for this most probably hinges on the fact that this ego setting, because of the theoretical polar 'dissonance' this represents. (Szondi called a diagonal split.) We are justified in interpreting it as both representing a inner conflicting situations [k-] and over or exaggerated [p+] idealization of whatever aspects that enters awareness. (The term suggested is pseudo-obsession in the hypochondrical cases seems useful.)

When we speak of Sch Ego setting as occuring within 'Stages' it seems no longer appropiate when the appearance of specific diagnostic classifcations, or are rare or vague. Perhaps Susan Deri did not declare [ k± p+] to be Stage VII for some such reasons. Or perphaps adolescene, and its aberations are so common as to be considered a normal disorder. One, characrerized by hormonal. psychological, physical charges, each potentially upsetting some of the earler system balances.

[k± p+]

Along with the change the many (not every) adolesent, starts to like the genic line [p] parnoid photos that he disliked throughout his childhood and in doing so begins to rationalize everthing with an aware and often verbal process and sometimes obcessional manner.

This being more or less the opposite of the [p-] mode of unconscious out-shifting used throughout most of childhood and sometimes 'comfortable[p] strivings ]greyed out or not accessable that avoiding the [p]genic line photos represents.

This [p+] is accompanied by a partial shift to liking of [k] genic line photos which suggests a return of narcissism, and also some of the strivings to restlessness that once belonged to the earlier, Stage III, [k± p-] which partially reasserts with [k±]. This may now call with some justification, the "Adolescent type" of narcissism. Later when gross adult narcissism is the focus of our test findings, we might say narcissism is narcissism, but that it plays out differently at different times in a persons life trajectory.

[Un-offical Stage VII ] Adolecent Ego Firming Up, Dawn of the Adult Stance.

2009-08-24T14:50:00.000-07:00

[Un-offical Stage VII ] Adolecent Ego Firming Up, Dawn of the Adult "Work-a-holic".

[k± p+]

In our discussion of the previous Sch settings, the [k- p0] and [k- p+], are the ones strongly characteristic for adolescents, we note the next presentation of typical stages of ego development raises more questions than we can anwer from our testing research alone. Here we show the youths dressing down to be 'cool' and accepted by their peers and at the same time separating themselves from their parents. They know very well the next moment they will act out some imagined but obsessive (adolescent narcissistic [k± p+] image of adult life, ones that are often well beyond their competency to carry through without conflict resulting. Some faced with too great of resistance or some untoward result may regress to earlier Ego stages and consequently use 'less adult' modes of self-management. Adult stance seldom happens until one is an adult. If then the Ego setting regularizes, the setting, one recurring, stable, then the complex one of the compulsive work-a-holic may take command.

In respect to the readers of this blog, this Ego setting [k± p+] carries all the strivings as 'active' which our data show as most concentrated in the mind worker occupations, teachers, psychologists, psychiatrists and social workers. The persons most interested in exploring the verbal-symbolic in themselves and others. Work addiction and willful insertion of themselves obsessional. Embedded in this setting are 1) [k+p+] The obsessional Ego, 2) The full compulsive Ego [k- p+] and the simultaneous strivings, introjection [k+] and repression [k-] There exists in every tri-tendancy setting, (a three pronged striving cluster in our Szondi jargon) that when under sufficient stress may 'invert' to the absent prong [here p-] and therefor the strivings represented by [p-] become the active portion of the Ego. In some, it can be a momentary flash of paranoia, but in others it can last for longer periods, or in the worst case scenario, mark the beginning of a clinical paranoid fate.

Szondi Ego Stage IV, [k- p-] 'Little men little women" appear.

2009-08-23T17:48:00.000-07:00

Stage IV. [ k- p-]

With the appearance of subjects who dislike both components of the Szondi 'Sch' Ego, at the same moment in time. This generally occurring when such subjects enter school, and begins getting used to a regularized but partial separation from their parents and other caretakers, This occurring along with submission to others who demand they begin a submission to the learning environment. They are expected to be toilet trained, have the rudiments of speech, and be able to relate with the other children and to attend to the teacher without paroxysmal events derailing the process. Which in today's schools is a carefully organized process.

As students of the Szondi Test, our actual test findings come first, the clinical empirics, if known, second and only then can we see for ourselves enough to attempt to reconcile our findings with our theories.

Why, we ask, does a 6 year old, who cannot possibly understand what the genic types of our reagent photos represent, who just a year before liked and same time disliked the [k] gene type photos, now start to only dislike them and show [k- p-], And only a few will start to like paranoid gene line, [p] photos until they are past age 7? In addition, some appear to never at any age, to like the [p] photos.

Stage IV, Disciplined Ego (Sometimes called 'Drill' Ego to reflect the externally imposed aspect.) Suggested also is "Little men and little women Ego (most of whom behave well.)"

[k- p- is the ego picture of the child whose ego has been "successfully" broken down by the overwhelming strength of the imposition. The setting's first appearance as the most frequent Sch setting, occurs at approximately the age of schooling, and remains the leading configuration, among the sixteen possible variations that exist within the Szondi Test for the Sch Vector, through all the age groups.

This means that the most frequently used ego-dynamism throughout life, in an unselected general population, corresponds to that of the "broken-in" six year old child, who, on the basis of experience, has discovered that the adult reward and punishment impositions are stronger than he, and that non-conformity does not work well. (One theory of psychoneurosis is some non-conforming desires forcibly suppressed, early in life are not really given up, but repressed, lie unconscious and cause symptoms later in life.)

Since we cannot actually test infants, but we can reconstruct it theoretically from the manner in which changes in the Sch vector reflect the observable process through which the child deals with life and comes to accept reality.

The observations as presented by Susan Deri are:

I First the adualistic stage, [k0 p-] which corresponded to the complete lack of differentiation between baby person and environment; i.e., the two were experienced as a continuous unit.

II. Then came the dualistic stage [k+ p-], Here the [k] component we assume indicates the emergence of the Ego, the first feelings of being an entity separated from the environment. At this stage, however, the child still feels lt self as omnipotent because, instead of total dependence on a formless environment, objects become recognized as such, Freud believes the infant at his state can hallucinate for short term satisfaction characteristics of any of these need-objects himself or it can cry and rage to force change,

III. There follows, the stage of the breaking down of the omnipotent infant [k+] narcissism strivings. The change represented by a [k-] appearing, making the [k] have minus component. as in a sense, then ambivalent, [k±].

The [k±] arrival was the first indication of recognition of the limitations of one's own ego. A first recognition limited view of that real force that impact him comes from the objects and persons of the environment. The result was a restless paroxysmal behavior, assumed to correspond to the child's unconscious wish to escape the limitations (by now recognized) using its own power. This is the intermediate stage of half-narcissism and half-acceptance of reality. [Deri]

IV. There then appears the [k- p-] configuration, in which now the lack of [k+] strivings shows that [k+] strivings for omnipotence and automatic introjective have been given up nearly completely. and [k-] strivings (negation and repression) have become active. This could be called the stage of the disciplined ego. Again, it is an open question whether the willingness to submit oneself to discipline is brought about by education (its imposition forces) or the more "natural" growth process or whether it is the result of both factors.

The age at which [k- p-] first appears as the most frequent Sch setting coincides with the age at which children's behavior becomes a child level version of realistic. (Little men, little women, not yet really so.) Alternatively, in a satire it might be that “the little wild horses are broken.”

When this occurs it is observable the fantasy play and "make-believe" are given up almost completely, replaced by provided ready made 'story' material, books, movies, video games etc. There is also a noticeable reduction in the amount of physical activity for the sheer pleasure of physical motion.

Children's games at this stage become more organized and goal-directed, and achievement recognition over the burning of energy becomes the more pronounced aim. Children between six and nine are also at an age at which they become increasingly interested in factual knowledge and in learning to manipulate real objects. One could say that this age group is actual object orientated and not ego-oriented.

Children and adults who yield the Sch [k- p-] act according to their most unsatisfied need and strivings yet are unaware of these underlying sources of motivation. Later by our experimental test findings we will attempt to prove this assertion against what we can attribute to strivings belonging to the other settings not belonging to the Szondi Sch Vector but to the other three heredity spheres, each also built as gene bound reciprocal psychiatric named types.

Ego setting, [k- p-] is empirically associated with the lack of psychological insight although many with it seem to function well and show good practical intelligence. It is the Ego setting most frequently in all age groups from six years on.

It should be noted here that the appearance of the high frequency of this ego-picture coincides with the developmental phase at which we assume the child has gone beyond the actuality of the first Oedipal period and enters latency.

Since we have discovered that this is the most common Sch reaction in the unselected adult population, we also must assume:

1) The latency period is a point of fixation strongly favored for a great number of adults.

2) Accord a great number of adults must have psychologic characteristics similar to those of children from six to nine years old.

3) [k- p-] in the clinically symptomless population-is given primarily by those subjects who are extremely realistic, "down to earth" individuals. These are the people for whom "a spade is a spade"; that is, the people by whom the world is perceived and accepted at face value. They are overwhelmed by concrete objects and by reality to such an extent that there is no psychic energy left for introspection. Ego processes as such are not cathected; the person is occupied with solving what to him seem to be "real" problems, and he often considers preoccupation with one's own needs and psychologic welfare to be a ridiculous waste of time. [Deri]

Among the various occupational groups, this Sch con-figuration is found most frequently among the non-intellectual occupations. It is most frequent (approximately 50 per cent) in the group comprising physical laborers, less frequent in business occupations, and is quite rare in professions involving intellectual sublimation. Of all professional groups, it occurs with probably least frequency in psychologists and psychiatrists. The low frequency of the configuration in this group is to be expected since it is comprised of professions which specialize in exactly those problems which most subjects with [k- p-] consider no problems at all.[Deri]

It is worth while to mention an apparent contradiction in the findings that on one hand [k- p-] is the prototype of the disciplined and conforming ego, while its pathologic significance relates to the most antisocial forms of pathology, in psychoses as well as among the various forms of criminality. Most the data on criminology that is here accessible are outdated and in German, but still worth discussing as teaching examples.

Szondi study grouo Stage III With Stage III things grows more complex with Ego growth.

2009-08-22T10:28:00.000-07:00

Stage III, Szondi's "Paroxymal Ego" or "restless kids".

With Stage III things grows more complex and if forward Ego growth is sufficiently frustrated then our testological data supports the concept that children at times fall back to some of its older baby-like Ego modes.
This regressive quality seems clear to us when adults act childishly emotionally using aspects that are paroxysmal in form, Crying, trembling, hitting, kicking stomping and whining, stuttering, etc. Often associated with such displays is also a testing out what the limits are that they can go to in order to get their way about something.

This Sch-picture is found most frequently in children between four and seven years of age. The frequency of this ego picture in adults is about a third of that in children. (About 4 per cent as against 12 per cent.) [Deri]

Despite the growing child's occasional regressions (perhaps as a combination biologic growth and developing learning skills) almost every person completes the passage through states III and on to IV, V, without budging from [p-] as its mode of projection, and usage in participation with others and its world.
[p-] the Szondi interpretive empirics 'reads' as one who uses unconscious projection as its main mode of reaching to and finding satisfaction of its needs outside itself.
The [p+] mode of using mainly conscious modes of projection (abcent here) as far as we can determine does not appear (with a few exceptions) until latency (range usually 7 to 10) and grows more common with puberty and high school age and even then, it is found in far fewer than the majority who still stay [p-]. This attracts our attention because [p+] we, from empiric observations adds support for the belief that [p+] is a marker of potential for 'rational' self censoring and verbal image use. In addition, at the same time, represents an opening of a path to obsessional disorders.

Of course, to say that these Sch configurations correspond to any particular developmental stages or clinical association is arbitrary, but useful for us to archive a general overview that can permit us to more easily recognize actual test findings that do or do not fit such "Stages" as preconceived. This is a reminder that no one knows everything in this difficult to explore field and all we think we know may not explain all the possibilities of any specific case.
Nevertheless, our rank order numbers aid us to indicate the approximate succession of expected ego-development.
Summary:
On the basis of our findings, we are justified in saying that in 4 or 5 year olds, State III, (growing uncommon by age 7), that [k± p-] more often follows the childish narcissism stage of [k+ p-] than does a move to the completely minus [k-] which belong to the next two stages [k- p0], [k- P+].

According to Susan Deri, in a relatively short time span, the characteristic Ego [k±p-]] appears as one of the four most frequent Sch configurations in four year olds; and in the group of five year olds we find it as having doubled its frequency.

Susan Deri goes on to attribute the sudden increase of this ego-picture in this median age 5 group as "corresponds to the children's increased reality testing, or in psychoanalytic terminology, it indicates the increasing power of the reality principle over the pleasure principle."

"This means that the child has already discovered not only that he and the environment are two different things (transition from the adualistic (stage I) to the dualistic (stage II) but also that the environment is something one has to adjust to, at least to some extent, and at some times (transition from stage II to stage III). In stage III, the child is still able to indulge in his fantasy-plays; in collectively modified game and reading exercises...however they no longer have the same substitute value for reality as they did in the previous stage. "
"..The mechanism of projecting any fantastic wish onto others (k+,p-) no longer works as well, as it worked before as the child is much more aware and remembers has better awareness than previously what is just pretend, what is real and what triggers hostility and punishment and fails to satisfy its wishes. In this it almost seems as if they would educate themselves for testing reality."

"Whether this change in their relationship to themselves and to the world has been brought about by having been subjected to parental and other environmental "powers," or whether the change is based more on some sort of an indigenous "law" of development, can not be determined; at least not on the basis of our test data. "

"The fact is that their behavior as well as their test profiles shows that something drastic is happening at this age in regard to their relationship to reality."

"The ambivalence in regard to whether they should still attempt to free themselves from the limitations of the realistic world, or give in and adjust to the limitations as unavoidable, is reflected in the [k±] factor."

"On the other hand, the fact that they are still children living out their needs in play and education directed simulations yet done without being aware of what these needs really are, is in the test shown by the continued [p-] "

--------
The characteristic physical signs of restlessness of children's and the adults equivalent led Szondi to speak of [k±p-] as being the, "Ego paroxysmal".
[Children in this "in-between" stage of Ego-development are extremely active and restless physically; they are constantly "on the go," climbing, running, bicycling, etc. We assume that the driving force for this restlessness derives its intensity from the child's unconscious wish to free himself from the restraints of reality through activity rather than through the fantasy of the younger child.
In any age group, [k± p-] is characteristic of subjects who are consciously fighting for the freedom of their egos, who, on the one hand rebel against external laws, and on the other hand, do not dare to ignore these laws. [Deri]

Adults

1. Symptoms of restlessness at the physical as well as at the psychologic level. They like to change their environment, enjoy occupations involving travelling, enjoy changing their group of friends and sometimes even their type of work or profession.
2. People with this ego setting, feel driven by undefinable forces and crave for change in general.
3. In some, their behavior often seems inconsistent not only to the onlooker, but to themselves.
4. They can feel dissatisfied in any situation, which seems to imply stability, but are unable to give rational reasons for their dissatisfaction.
5. Some may due to their wish to conform, may drive themselves into exactly such situations which imply submission to some sort of rules and limitations, and from which they then, seek to escape.
6. The pathologic implications of this Sch configuration refer to various forms of 'paroxysmal symptoms'.
7. Even the relatively well-adjusted subjects in this Stage III category, can best be described as paroxysmal individuals, because of their psychomotor as well as their physical restlessness.
8. The pathologic manifestations of the Ego setting called /paroxysmal/ by Szondi, when reinforced by certain setting in the Paroxysmal Vector (The Vector should not be confused with the Ego setting.) may result in excessive drive or conflict involve a wide range of possible symptoms from real epileptic grand-mal seizures to stuttering.
9. [k± p-], is found in certain types of antisocial adults, often the unstable vagrant.
10. Sudden bursts of obsessional thinking [k0 p+] (We believe this is brief or so transient it is seldom is found in our test data, but was reported as significant in the subject's symptom history).
---------
Children,
1. Truancy from school, or in running away from home. These are the usual reasons why one finds so many children who are sent to the juvenile court giving this particular reaction in the Sch Vector. -[Deri]
2, Hyperactivity? As used in today's classification system? Not researched.
3. Attention deficit? [You would have to include some other various Sch settings and other impulse disorders to assert this.] - Not researched, but likely connected with significance in some specific cases,

Stage II. [The beginning of a functional Ego-"The self forms."

2009-08-14T20:22:00.000-07:00

The Ego Stages as reflected in the Szondi Test. "The Ego is your steering device."

The Unfolding of the Ego.

Normally, Ego development takes place according to a detailed six stage schema as proposed by Susan Deri, "Introduction to the Szondi Test" [Grune & Strattion, N.Y. 1949. Her order is followed here, but the charactizations are arbitrarily revised into capsulizations, for our study purposes.

1. (k0 p-)

Adualism: The indistinction between the ego and the other (up to one year). [See J. Paiget ] [In the adult it is called the 'paranoid Ego' and an indication of a regressive thought mode.

2. (k+ p-)

Childish Omnipotence: The magical-autistical omnipotence (pre-oedipian period). [See Melanne Kline's, not so benign view of infancy.] [See, J. Lacan," Mirror Phase"]

3. (± -)

Beginning accomidation, turbulence, resistance. (First Oedipian Separations) [See Winnicot ] [See Toilet Training, Early Care Takers.] [The "Restless Ego" of many talented Adults.]

4. (- -)

Aceptance, accomidation (The pressure to conform and the social rewards, the latency period. [The Drill Ego of Adults-Suggesting that many never fully go beyound this mode of Ego development.]

5. (- 0) If aceptance and accomidation is successfil, the start of adolescence the young person may then try to replicate that which was accepted earler ['The Mild Compulive Ego' when found in profiles, one or two decades later. ]

6. (- +)

Adolescence. Mating impluse asserts on several levels and the desire previously repressed reaches consciouness backed by the newly aquired physical ability to do so. That this will meet with many set backs and frustrations, awell known feature of passing through adolesence. For many it will be the first serious Ego failure and the overwhelemed Ego may move to a kind of grid lock crises [k± p±] or what seems like a tunning off of thinking and feeling [k0 p0], or some will move back to older Ego settings with which they feel more secure however childish it may seem. Many show an appearance of [k+] and as well an awareness of depression [d+] as they restart a new search for fullfillment. In adults it is the 'Fully compulsive Ego'.

Comment.

For us as students of human nature, we ask what is it beyond this theorical passage of the Ego that will address our desire to understand the larger issues and concerns in respect to ultimate behaviour? What can we by this Szondi Test thatoffers insight in those humans who develop atypical or outright abnormal forms of existance?

The best answer I can offer now is, we can recast almost everything you previoully believed to be psychologically caused, in the Szondi coding system, but our new metaphors also leave many who's and why's awaiting anwers. The metaphors of the settings, and the strivings and what they represent are crafted from the unconscious choices by tested persons. This is done without extracting a verbal inventory, in fact you need not even speak the language of the tested subject, as long is he follows the choice procedure correctly.

WELCOME LIITLE GUY!

We sincerly hope your nerve structures are shaping up to accept and start building your Ego, and sarting at Zero, it is a passage every human has to make.

In discussing the later stages of ego-development, we need to mention the degree to which actual environment and reality reality-testing, shapes the settings of the Ego.

This Ego settings and the next one, [k+ p-] are seldom found in adjusted adolescents or young adults, as they are still capable of using their best Ego setting for their life situations.

Stage II. [The beginning of a functional Ego-"The self forms." [k+] with [p-] We theorize that at the end of infancy along with the cortical development needed to walk. talk, and conform to the toilet training and the first separation -dependency crises. That, in this passage (most observers would agree) an early Ego seeks to assert itself. One that emerges with increasing power to act on its own against the demands to act within parental constraints. Because of the reality of its near total psychological and material dependency, he surrenders in time, to what is demanded. Here we go even more theoretical, (loosely extending this. In early childhood the [k+] suggest already the child is using its introjective power to imitate, borrow and repeat clues from others as to satisfy its desires and security needs. As it does so, it bit by bit gives up parts of its earlier infantile omnipotence. In which he saw himself as the center of existence. The results of which, can be conflicted and may be maintained into adult life. [The basis of one theory of causation of the neurosis.] When we can actually start using the experimental test on three year olds, and older, we assume the introjective power is one of the key features that shows that the child has been launched into speech and learning and will usually move on, when entering school to a more powerful Ego control form. In our testological schema frequently, [k± p-]. [k±p+] and for some [k-p-] or [k-p+] as the world seems to separate into people [k] genic and those [p] genic, Most maintaining the dominant strivings for the rest of the course of their lives. On the bases of our experimental test we may decide the principal striving issues, of the Ego setting [[k+ p- ] as we did with the paranoid genic strivings backward linked to the clinical empirics known to be part certain neurotic and psychotic symptom complexes, particularly ones with symptom features very similar to the childhood modes of thinking, feeling and acting. Part of what we said of [k0 p-] also applies to [k+ p-] The major difference is the child has gained some control over its perceptions. The issue of the quality of the control gained, arises when we look at the test findings of specific groups.

Child. In children this setting coinciding with the use of the word "I" as reference to themselves. And "I want-" And a desire in play act out snippets what they see as possibilities for themselves. Being in play, Little mothers, daddies, teachers, soldiers, cow boys flyers, car, ship and air plane. This is universally encouraged in most child rearing cultures.

Adolescent. In adolescents and young adults [k+p-] may reappear following a time when a different Ego setting existed. We assume this event represents a mode of dealing with sexual strivings and ending of family dependency issues. For many the issue of being or finding their own self, emerges intermingled with occupational choice, love preferences and symptom formation.

Adult Narcissistic It maintenance in adult life can be understood as parallel attitude to that of child's reaction against accepting the limitations of reality and his fight to preserve some degree of the infantile omnipotence where; " I and my needs are all that is important."

Sociopath Criminals. Certain sociopath criminals show regularly this setting, some appear to by their own desire or by the assistance of drugs and alcohol, to assume this Ego setting prior to their criminal destructive acts. Unfortunately, we cannot in every such person tested, after the fact, demonstrate what the dynamics existed at the moment of the event. When in a jail environment the reaction formation may in some cases mobilize their defenses and our tests shows an ordinary person, looking for a way out of his predicament.

While there is logic in calling the directing mental force of the mankind species, his Ego or his Will.

2009-08-10T14:12:00.000-07:00

While there is logic in calling the directing mental force of the mankind species, his Ego or his Will. Although immediately the question arises about translating of the German 'Ego' into English as 'Will' or just use 'Ego' for psychology study as that which spans the concept. This later choice was almost universally taken psychoanalysis. Those psychologies seeking to distance themselves from Freudian views, substituted, selves, powers, levels and other invented terms to cover the same ground. There is nothing wrong in this, in fact it may advance our thinking on certain particulars. This practice however leads the student to believe he is obligated to stick to one teacher's view even after leaving that teacher's sphere of influence.

Enter now, the schema of the Ego offered by Leopold Szondi. (Psychiatrist, University professor, and Genealogist,) who by decades of testing individuals, as found various population, where subjects normal and others clinically differentiated were used to fill in the sixteen various possibilities in each of the four heredity spheres that his invention permitted. The Szondi Test filtered out findings by a projected (Szondi believed to be 'genic' conditioned) affinity. The findings had to explain the known clinical facts. The findings when correctly read back to a reader unaware of the facts "blind", i. e., gender, age and occupation, then had to describe generally and diagnostically correctly that person. This procedure being done in much the the same manner as had been done with the Rorschach Test, which Szondi and his co-workers were quite familiar with at the time.
We focus here specifically on Szondi's new Ego examples, as artificially separated from the other three heredity spheres also called 'Vectors' The one's that the Ego [Sch] must mediate. This includes aspects both conscious and unconscious.
Szondi does not call it forthright the 'Ego Vector' he sets it 'schizophrene' and codes 'Sch'. It is build of the two gene lines, which normally balance each other, (Catatonia and Paranoia) which are capable of shifting this balance within certain limitations. These limitations set the manner that an individual uses his Ego to handle his impulses, needs and strivings, all generated by the basic impulses. One can assume the basic impulses are more or less the same as what populates Freud's Id and their censor the Super-Ego. (later we will seek to demonstrate from variously analyzed test series that, the Szondi Ego, his, 'Sch' is the rational component of a larger censorship system. This requires including aspects of Szondi's Paroxsmal/Affect '[P]' Vector to be then examined under 'The Profile Middle' term.

The The Sch constellation [k0 p-] under discussion now really should be termed the "pre-ego stage" and, with reference to its place in ego-development, logically should be given the rank number zero rather than 1. Yet we are used to referring to this setting as the first stage and designate it as the "adualistic" stage of the ego, which in fact means that there is no ego in the usual psychological sense of the concept.

The Szondi Test Study Group

The constraints of the Szondi Test permits filtering out of sixteen Ego Patterns.

The Ego (Self) of Leopold Szondi (MD, Hungarian,(later Swiss) World War I physician, university professor, education specialist, genealogist, endocrinologist and psychoanalyst. Inventor, The Szondi Test (At first, called "Genic affinity experimental test.")

The various Ego positions:

THE EGO HAS RECOGNIZABLE POSTIONS OR SETTINGS WHICH CHANGE WITH DEVELOPMENT AND USEAGE.

Szondi's Contact/Cyclic/Mood Vector (Where Relationships Drive one Nuts).

The Ego Stages as reflected in the Szondi Test.

The Unfolding of the Ego.

1. (k0 p-)

2. (k+ p-)

3. (± -)

4. (- -)

6. (- +)

Comment.

Szondi - Life Magazine Interview.

What can be learned from Ego State "ZERO".

Szondi Ego Analysis Denial Repression, Section 1.4 of Page 1.

Szondi Ego Analysis, Denial Repression Section 1.3 of Page 2.

Szondi Ego Analysis Section 1.2 of Page 1

Szondi Ego Analysis Section 1,1 of page 1

Szondi ego analysis denial repression Part 2 of 3.

Szondi ego analysis denial repression Part 3 of 3.

L. Szondi Functions of the Ego, Inflation/Doubling

L. SZONDI the projection function of the Ego.

Ego Analysis Division II Fate Analysis Teachings.

From: Leopold Szondi, Ich-Analyse [Ego Analysis] in Fate Analysis Teachings.

Unitendencies in the Sch Ego of Szondi.

Here we are focusing on mankind's uniquely developed Ego, as selected testologically and the unitendancies are, if exaggerated, the same as definitions of of man's functional mind pathology.

Unitendencies of the Ego [Sch]izophrine of Szondi. [k=facial photos of Catatonics] [p=facial photos of Paranoids.]

[k0 p+]

Unrestrained ego expansion, obsession by antithetic tendencies (ideas of grandeur, religiosity, etc. )

[k0 p-]

Unrestrained projection (delusions of persecution.)

[k+ p0]

Exaggerated greed for power, excessive introjection, egoism, egocentricity, narcissism, [functional] autism.

[k- p0]

Repression of the primative stiving antitheses, manipulating contradictions;potentials to; excessive negation, self-disparagement, self-depreciation.

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

Szondi Analogs Development and DOMINANT Settings of the Ego

Demonstration of Szondi's Ego System Continued.

To complete the demonstration as to thedifference that just a change or the [p+] sign to [p-] the egovector settings just look at the change in striving that [k± p-] is inherent when that is the case.

2. [k- p-] (=the drill ego, the repressedaverage man's ego.)

3. [k±] (=both, introjection and repression.)

4. [p-] (=unconscious projectingof needs, fears and desires.)

The Ego of psychologists, teachers and other work-a-holics.

Itwas found that the choice [k±p+] was more frequent with those workaddicted and those entering the psychology curriculum. Therewerealso other ego settings found most of which were those embedded withinthe [k± p+] setting, such as:

+, -, ±, 0 Are not In the Szondi Schema math ordinals. They represent a person's choice reactions to the Szondi reagent photos.

Szondi Ego Stages V and VI Mild Compulsive and Full Compulsive.

[Un-offical Stage VII ] Adolecent Ego Firming Up, Dawn of the Adult Stance.

Szondi Ego Stage IV, [k- p-] 'Little men little women" appear.

Szondi study grouo Stage III With Stage III things grows more complex with Ego growth.

Stage II. [The beginning of a functional Ego-"The self forms."

The Unfolding of the Ego.

1. (k0 p-)

2. (k+ p-)

3. (± -)

4. (- -)

6. (- +)

Comment.

While there is logic in calling the directing mental force of the mankind species, his Ego or his Will.

To complete the demonstration as to the
difference that just a change or the [p+] sign to [p-] the egovector settings just look at the change in striving that [k± p-] is inherent when that is the case.

2. [k- p-] (=the drill ego, the repressed
average man's ego.)

4. [p-] (=unconscious projecting
of needs, fears and desires.)

It
was found that the choice [k±p+] was more frequent with those work
addicted and those entering the psychology curriculum. There
were
also other ego settings found most of which were those embedded within
the [k± p+] setting, such as: